Organizational Diversity in the Teaching Workforce: A Conceptual Analysis of the Literature

In recent years, debate surrounding educational reform has been focused on the need for educational leaders to recruit and to retain culturally competent teachers of diverse ethnic/racial backgrounds in U.S. public schools (National Collaborative on Diversity in the Teaching Force, 2004; Villegas & Irvine, 2010). Reported in the 2011-2012 Schools Staffing Survey was that of the 3,385,200 teachers employed in U.S. public schools, the teacher workforce was predominantly White (82%), compared to much smaller percentages of Hispanic (8%) and Black (7%) teachers (Goldring, Gray, & Bitterman, 2013). In contrast, the student population in U.S. public schools has become increasingly more diverse. Students of underrepresented groups comprise 40.7% of the student population in U.S. public schools (Boser, 2011; Goldring et al., 2013). This trend is an indication that teachers of diverse ethnic/racial backgrounds are in critical shortage in U.S. public schools and essential for providing students with multiple ethnic/racial, gender, cultural, and linguistic perspectives that may positively influence the organizational behavior within the school setting (Bireda & Chait, 2011; Dilworth & Coleman, 2014). As such, it is essential that educational leaders address this critical shortage with respect to teacher diversity.

In an effort to address the cultural disparities that exist between teachers and their students in U.S. public schools, the United States Secretary of Education, Arne Duncan, initiated the National Teacher Recruitment campaign (U.S. Department of Education, 2010; Villegas & Irvine, 2010). Secretary Duncan expressed his concern for the lack of ethnic/racial and gender diversity in the teacher workforce by stating the following:

I’m very concerned that increasingly, our teachers don’t reflect the great diversity of our nation’s young people, and so making sure we have more teachers of color and particularly more men, more Black and Latino men, coming into education is going to be a significant part of this Teach campaign. (Bireda & Chait, 2011, p. 1)

Secretary Duncan’s National Teacher Recruitment campaign has brought national attention regarding the growing need for a more diverse teacher workforce. Accordingly, educational leaders need to be responsive to the need for a more diverse teacher workforce.

Bireda and Chait (2011) discussed that the lack of a diverse teacher workforce in U.S. public schools is concerning for several reasons. First, the inability of school districts to recruit and retain a highly qualified diverse teaching staff may contribute to increased turnover among ethnic/racial and gender diverse teachers (Ingersoll & May, 2011a). Second, the lack of diverse teacher backgrounds in U.S. public schools may indicate that fewer ethnically/racially and gender diverse teachers are choosing teaching as a profession (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Bireda & Chait, 2011). Lastly, fewer ethnic/racial teacher backgrounds represented in the teacher workforce may also be indicative of fewer ethnically/racially and gender diverse teacher candidates with the necessary skills and qualifications upon exiting teacher preparation programs (Angrist & Guryan, 2008; Bireda & Chait, 2011; Khan & Slate, 2014). Therefore, the existing literature was reviewed based on its relevance to (a) the reasons for more teacher diversity in U.S. public schools and (b) the reasons for low numbers of teachers of diverse ethnic/racial backgrounds at all school levels in U.S. public schools. A discussion of each argument is presented in this investigation.

Reasons for More Teacher Diversity in the U.S. Public Schools

The need for teacher diversity has long been espoused and continues to be the focus of current school reform initiatives. Over the past two decades, state and local education agencies across the country have implemented recruitment and retention measures to increase the number of teacher ethnic/racial and gender backgrounds into the teaching profession. Numerous researchers (e.g., Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Bireda & Chait, 2011; Bone & Slate, 2012; Partee, 2014; Villegas & Irvine, 2010) contend that diversifying the teacher workforce would provide students with the diverse role models and culturally responsive teachers to enhance students’ learning environment.

Changing Demographics of Students Enrolled in U.S. Public Schools

The National Center for Education Statistics reported that from 2001 to 2011 Hispanic student enrollment in U.S. public schools increased from 17% to 24% and Black student enrollment decreased slightly from 17% to 16% (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2014c). In contrast, White student enrollment in U.S. public schools decreased from 60% to 52% during this same time period. Furthermore, White student enrollment is projected to decline to 45% between fall 2012 and fall 2023 (NCES, 2014c). The percentage of White student enrollment will continue to decrease as the percentages of Hispanic and Asian/Pacific Islanders student enrollment in U.S. public schools increase (NCES, 2014c). In the latest report by the U.S. Census Bureau (2013), 49.9% of children under the age of 5 were from an underrepresented group. Thomas Mesenbourg, acting director of the Census Bureau, stated that the population of children under the age of 5 is close to becoming majority-minority in a couple of years (U.S. Census Bureau, 2013). As such, the student demographics in U.S. public schools will be influenced by this trend.

Similar to the national trend, the teacher workforce in majority-minority states (i.e., Hawaii, the District of Columbia, California, New Mexico, and Texas) continues to be at a disproportionate level compared to the diverse student population (Boser, 2011). In Texas, the teacher workforce has remained predominantly White (63.51%), with the remainder of the Texas teacher workforce being 24.32% Hispanic, 24.32%, Black, 9.19%, and Asian, 1.32% (Texas Education Agency [TEA], 2013a). In contrast, Hispanic students (51.3%) are the largest ethnic/racial group represented in the student population. Black students account for 12.7% of the total enrollment in Texas public schools (TEA, 2013b). This demographic shift is influenced by an increase in foreign immigration rates and an increase in birth rates (Combs, 2008). Furthermore, approximately 17% of the total student population in Texas is comprised of English Language Learners (TEA, 2012). Because of the increase in Hispanic student enrollment and percentage of English Language Learners, the Texas education system is faced with the challenge of providing an equitable education for its students (Golsan, 2013).

In California, 72% of the student population was from an underrepresented group (e.g, Hispanic). In contrast, 29% of the teacher workforce was from an underrepresented group (Boser, 2011; U.S. Census Bureau, 2013). Despite California being a majority-minority state, large disparities exist between student demographics and teacher demographics in public schools. These alarming trends are concerning as Hispanic students are less likely than White students to enroll in a 4-year college (56% compared to 72%), less likely to be enrolled as a full- time student, and less likely to obtain an academic degree (Fry & Taylor, 2013). Therefore, at a national and state level, school leaders face the challenge of providing an equitable education for all students that meets the educational needs of an increasingly more diverse group of learners (Bone, 2011; Milner, 2006; Villegas & Irvine, 2010). The literature examined on changing student demographics on U.S. public schools is briefly summarized in Table 1.

Teachers of Diverse Backgrounds Serve as Role Models to Students with Similar Backgrounds

According to researchers (Dee, 2004; L. S. Johnson, 2008; Ochoa, 2007), students of diverse ethnic/racial backgrounds who are taught by teachers of diverse ethnic/racial backgrounds are provided with numerous educational benefits. For example, teachers of diverse backgrounds serve as role models for all students, are culturally responsive to the diverse needs of their students, help students of diverse backgrounds to have a sense of belonging in school and in their community, and positively influence student academic achievement (Milner, 2006; National Collaborative on Diversity in the Teaching Force, 2004; Partee, 2014). Because teachers of diverse backgrounds increase the opportunities for diverse student groups to see themselves reflected in the teacher workforce (Branch & Kritsonis, 2006), all students, regardless of ethnic/racial backgrounds, can begin to associate unrepresented groups with positions of power and career success, which can be a catalyst for change (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Harrison & Killion, 2007; Milner, 2006; Partee, 2014).

Results from empirical studies conducted in the mid-1980s to late 1990s revealed that increasing the percentage of teachers of diverse backgrounds in U.S. public schools provided additional benefits for students of diverse backgrounds (England & Meier, 1986; Fraga, Meier, & England, 1986; Hess & Leal, 1997; Meire, 1993). For example, England and Meier (1986) examined how discriminatory practices (e.g., special education referrals, disciplinary referrals, high school dropout rates, and college-going rates) in large urban school districts can produce educational inequities for students of diverse backgrounds and perpetuate negative stereotypical organizational behaviors. England and Meier (1986) documented that as the percentage of Black teachers in urban schools with high Black student enrollment increased, incidents of discriminatory practices statistically significantly decreased among Black student population. Similarly, Fraga et al. (1986) noted that large urban high schools with an increase in the percentage of Hispanic teachers reduced Hispanic students’ dropout rates and increased Hispanic students’ college-going rates.

Equally as important is the need for underrepresented male teachers in U.S. public schools (S. P. Johnson, 2008; Mills, Matino, & Lingard, 2004; Men Teach, 2007; Montecinos & Nielsen, 2004). Black male teachers and underrepresented male teachers constitute a miniscule 2.4% of the 3,000,000 teachers in U.S. public schools (Chmelynski, 2006). Researchers (e.g., Brown, 2012; Dee, 2005; Garza, Ovando, & Seymour, 2010; Milner, 2006) have discussed whether matching students and teacher by ethnic/racial and gender diversity benefits students in regard to their self-esteem, school integration, and academic achievement. Brown (2012) argued that Black male teachers have more to contribute to Black male students than a one-dimensional function as role models. Black male teachers have a vast wealth of knowledge, cultural diversity, and intellectual capabilities that can be shared with all students, specifically Black male students, to enhance their learning environment.

Dee (2005) contended that gender significantly influences teachers’ perceptions about students’ behavior and academic achievement in the classroom. Students were perceived to be disruptive and inattentive 37% higher when the teacher was not of the same gender as the student. Furthermore, teachers reported lower academic achievement that was 15% higher for students who were not of the same gender as the teacher. Both male and female students were perceived to be more likely to cause disruptions in the classroom when the teacher was not of the same gender. Similarly, White and underrepresented groups (i.e., Hispanic and Black) were more likely to be perceived as disruptive when their teachers’ ethnic/racial background differed from the students. As such, diverse students groups who are provided with teachers of similar ethnic/racial backgrounds may help to reduce cultural and gender biases that are prevalent in the classroom. Additionally, the mismatch of teacher and student ethnic/racial and gender backgrounds continue to perpetuate stereotypes that stifle students’ academic development and growth (Carrington, Tymms, & Merrell, 2008; Figlio, 2005; Oates, 2003).

McGrady and Reynolds (2013) documented comparisons of teacher background with ethnic/racial student groups (i.e., White, Hispanic, Black, and Asian) in Grade 10 English and mathematics classes. The researchers discovered that of the students who were taught by White teachers, Asian students were perceived more positively in regard to their academic effort and attentiveness than were White and Hispanic students. Black students, however, were perceived more negatively in regard to their academic effort and attentiveness than were other ethnic/racial student groups by White and non-White teachers. Interestingly, McGrady and Reynolds (2013) discovered that pairing teacher and student ethnic/racial background may not eliminate teacher stereotypes about diverse student groups’ abilities in the classroom. The literature examined on teachers of diverse background serving as role models for students of similar backgrounds is briefly summarized in Table 2.

Academically, students of diverse backgrounds demonstrated increased standardized test scores when taught by teachers of similar ethnic/racial and gender backgrounds (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Dee, 2004). To determine if matching students and teachers by the same ethnic/racial and gender backgrounds increased test scores, Clewell, Puma, and McKay (2005) examined the mathematics and reading test scores of Hispanic and Black students in Grade 4 and Grade 6 who were taught by teachers of the same ethnic/racial background. Clewell et al. (2005) established that Hispanic students’ mathematics test score gains were statistically significantly higher than Hispanic students who were taught by teachers of different ethnic/racial background. Black students in Grade 4 had statistically significantly higher test score gains in mathematics when taught by teachers of the same ethnic/racial background; however, the results were not statistically significantly different for Black students in Grade 6.

Conversely, other researchers (e.g., Cho, 2012; Ehrenberg, Goldhaber, & Brewer, 1995; Krieg, 2005) have argued that pairing teacher and student by ethnic/racial and gender backgrounds does not influence student academic achievement. These researchers (Brown, 2012; Cho, 2012; Krieg, 2005) contend that other school factors (e.g., teacher preparation and training and teacher years of experience), and not teacher characteristics, influence student academic achievement. As such, the issue of teacher diversity as related to student achievement remains an issue that warrants further research. The literature examined on teachers of diverse background and their influence on the academic achievement of students from diverse backgrounds is briefly summarized in Table 3.

Students Need Exposure to a Wide Range of Cultural and Linguistic Experiences

Culturally diverse teachers, being similar to culturally diverse students, may be better aware of and possess a deeper understanding of diversity. Accordingly, these cultural connections may permit culturally diverse teachers to serve as advocates for a diverse student population (Tyler, Yzquierdo, Lopez-Reyna, & Saunders-Flippin, 2004; Villegas & Irvine, 2010). Additionally, culturally diverse teachers may influence the cultural climate within the classroom, facilitate multicultural interactions among students, and may be able to address better the learning styles of a diverse student population (Bone & Slate, 2012; Harris, Joyner, & Slate, 2010; Tyler et al., 2004). Because teachers of diverse backgrounds may have also experienced isolation and inequality during their school experience, teachers of diverse backgrounds may be able to relate with students of diverse groups in a way that White teachers may not (Nieto, 1999; Villegas & Irvine, 2010). Garcia-Nevarez, Stafford, and Arias (2005) stated that Hispanic teachers welcomed the use of Spanish to be spoken by their Hispanic students in the classroom more so than non-Hispanic teachers. As such, teacher of diverse backgrounds improve the academic achievement and school experiences of diverse student groups because teachers of diverse backgrounds help to break down cultural stereotypes and educational inequities that are prevalent in U.S. public schools (Villegas & Irvine, 2010). The literature examined on students’ need for cultural and linguistic experiences is briefly summarized in Table 4.

Reasons for Low Numbers of Teachers of Diverse Backgrounds in the Teacher Workforce

Nationally, school improvement efforts have been focused on the need for more teacher diversity in U.S. public schools (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Boser, 2011; Dilworth & Coleman, 2014; National Collaborative on Diversity in Teaching Force, 2004; Partee, 2014; Villegas & Irvine, 2010). With an overwhelming majority of the teacher workforce being White (82%), school districts and educational leaders have not kept up with the changing student demographics in U.S. public schools. From the review of literature related to low numbers of teachers of diverse backgrounds in the teacher workforce, the following reasons were identified: (a) achievement gap for students of diverse backgrounds, (b) low secondary and postsecondary completion rate, and (c) recruitment, retention, and attrition. Each reason is discussed in detail.

Achievement Gap of Students of Diverse Backgrounds

The U.S. Census Bureau (2012) reported that the population will become increasingly more ethnically/racial diverse by 2060, with one in three U.S. residents being Hispanic. The Asian population is projected to increase from 15.9 million in 2012 to 34.4 million in 2060. Similarly, the Black population is expected to increase from 41.2 million to 61.8 million over the same time period. Conversely, the White population is projected to have a slight increase from 197.8 million in 2012 to 199.6 million in 2060; however, between 2024 and 2060 the White population is projected to decrease by 20.6 million. Because of these changing demographics, the U.S. is projected to become a majority-minority nation by 2043. Therefore, a need exists for highly effective teachers of diverse backgrounds to prepare students for high achievement and postsecondary attainment (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Irizarry & Donaldson, 2012; Pew Research Center, 2005).

In 2013, the reading and mathematics results from the National Assessment of Educational Progress revealed that the achievement gap among diverse student groups had not narrowed from 1992 to 2013; instead, the achievement gap has become wider (NCES, 2013b). For example, the average reading score of Black students in Grade 12 in 1992 was 273 and in 2013 the average reading score was 268. In 2013, statistically significant differences were present in the average reading score of White students (297) and the average reading score of Black students (268), a 30 point difference. On average, White and Asian students scored higher in reading and mathematics than Black, Hispanic, and American Indian/Alaska Native students in 2013 (NCES, 2013b). Ahmad and Boser (2014) posited that the underachievement of diverse student groups in U.S. public schools reduces the future supply of a diverse teacher workforce.

Bromberg and Theokas (2014) discussed that Black and Hispanic high school students who were in the top 25 percentile, scored lower on Advanced Placement exams, and were less likely than White students to take advanced math and sciences courses, take college entrance exams (e.g., American College Test and Scholastic Aptitude Test), and enroll in selective colleges. Steele and Aronson (1995) argued that poor performance of diverse student groups on standardized, advanced placement, and aptitude examinations can be attributed to stereotype threat. This phenomenon occurs when diverse students groups are assigned negative stereotypes by members of other ethnicity/races, and the students knowing that they are not expected to perform well academically causes intellectual impairment. Because the teacher workforce is predominantly White (82%), students of diverse backgrounds do not have diverse teacher representation at the school level that could provide guidance and academic support in regard to the students’ academic preparation and career aspirations (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Bromberg & Theokas, 2014).

The NCES (2014b) reported that for the 2010-2011 school year, the graduation rate for students in U.S. public schools was 79%, and for the 2011-2012 school year was 80%. In the 2011-2012 school year, the graduation rate of White students and Asian/Pacific Islander students was above the national average at 86% and 88%, respectively. Conversely, the graduation rate for Hispanic, Black, and American Indian/Alaska Native public school students was below the national average at 73%, 69%, and 67%, respectively for this time period. Additionally, 85% of female students graduated from high school, compared to 78% of male students in the 2011-2012 school year. Overall, the graduation rates of diverse student groups, with the exception of Asian/Pacific Islander, continue to lag behind White students. Because the percentage of Hispanic and Black students who graduate from high school is lower than the percentage of White students who graduate from high school, the pool of Hispanic and Black students who would be able to go to college and become teachers becomes smaller, thereby making it less likely that Black and Hispanic students will become teachers (Ahmad & Boser, 2014). Interestingly, Asian/Pacific Islander students have the highest graduation rate; however, they represent the lowest percentage of teachers, with 1.7 % at the elementary and middle school level and 2.1% at the high school level (Goldring et al., 2013).

Reported in the 1990 through 2012 Current Population Survey was that the status dropout rate for 16 through 24-year-olds decreased from 12% in 1990 to 7% in 2012 (NCES, 2014a). The status dropout rate for White students declined from 9% to 4%; the rate for Black students declined from 13% to 8%; and the rate for Hispanic students declined from 32% to 13%. As such, the status dropout rate gap between ethnic/racial groups (i.e., White and Hispanic) has narrowed during this time period. The results from the Current Population Survey are optimistic; however Secretary Duncan warns, At the same time, our high school dropout rate is still unsustainably high for a knowledge-based economy and still unacceptably high in our African-American, Latino, and Native-American communities…. But as this report shows, we are making progress in our schools toward living up to the American creed of equal opportunity for all. (U.S. Department of Education, 2013, para 2) Secretary Duncan’s concern regarding diverse student groups completing high school reflects the limited number of eligible candidates that could enter the teaching profession (Bireda & Chait, 2011). The literature examined on achievement gaps of students of diverse backgrounds is briefly summarized in Table 5.

College Enrollment and Degree Attainment of Students of Diverse Backgrounds

Low rates of academic achievement, high school completion, and college enrollment contribute to the low numbers of diverse students in the teaching field. The American College Testing reported (2012) that students of diverse ethnic/racial backgrounds (i.e., White, Hispanic, Black, Asian, Pacific Islander, and Native American) who graduated from high school in 2012, less than 50% of Hispanic, Black, and American Indian students were able to meet the College Readiness Benchmarks (i.e., English, reading, mathematics, and science). The College Readiness Benchmarks were met by at least 50% of White and Asian students; however, 50% of Pacific Islander students met only one College Readiness Benchmark. Furthermore, 83% of Asian students who graduated from high school aspired to obtain a bachelor’s degree and pursue advanced degrees (e.g., master’s and doctorate). Conversely, a dismal 30% of American Indian and about 34%-37% of Black, Hispanic, Pacific Islander, or White high school graduates aspired to obtain a bachelor’s degree or pursue advanced degrees. As such, the traditional route of entering the teaching profession (i.e., high school completion then college degree attainment) is being stifled by the low percentages of diverse student groups pursuing professional or advanced degrees (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Bireda & Chait, 2011; Boser, 2011).

The NCES (2013a) reported that the annual cost (i.e., tuition, room, and board) of attending a 4- year public institution for the 2011-2012 academic year was estimated at $16,789 which is double the price of attending a 2-year institution. Ahmad and Boser (2014) contended that the high cost of a 4-year university and limited economic resources of many students of diverse backgrounds influences their college choice. For example, 44% of the student enrollment in 2- year community colleges is comprised of diverse student backgrounds (i.e., Hispanic, Black, Asian, American Indian, Alaska Natives, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Multiethnic/two or more races) compared to 38% of diverse student enrollment in 4-year public universities (National Association of Community College Teacher Education Program, 2010). Fry and Lopez (2012) documented that the share of Hispanic student enrollment in college (i.e., 2-year institutions, 4-year institution, and public and private institutions) increased by 15% between 2010 and 2011, from 265,000 students to 2.1 million students, respectively. One explanation for this trend is that the growth of Hispanic college enrollment reflects the increase in the U.S. Hispanic population. Despite the increase in Hispanic college enrollment, however, the number of Hispanics attaining an associate’s or bachelor’s degree continues to lag behind other ethnic/racial groups. Of the 849,000 associate degrees conferred, 65% were awarded to White, 13% to Hispanic and Black, 5% to Asian/Pacific Islander, and 4% to American Indian/Alaska Natives and non-resident aliens. Similarly, of the 1.7 million bachelor degrees conferred, 71% were awarded to White, 10% to Black, 9% to Hispanic, 7% to Asian/Pacific Islander, and 4% to American Indian/Alaska Natives and non-resident aliens. Therefore, low academic achievement and persistence rates, and high cost of education, influence the number of diverse college graduates who pursue teaching as a profession (Bireda & Chait, 2011).

Since 1980, the percentage of students by gender who enrolled in college or obtained a professional degree was lower for males (39%) than for females (47%; Ross et al., 2012). This trend also occurred for diverse ethnic/racial groups by gender, White 43% (male) compared to 51% (female); Blacks 31% (male) compared to 43% (female); Hispanics 26% (male) compared to 36% (female), and American Indians 24% (male) compared to 33% (female; Ross et al., 2012). As such, the low percentages of males obtaining a professional degree reduces the likelihood that they will enter the teaching profession and contribute to reducing the shortage of males in the teacher workforce (Medford et al., 2013; Snyder, 2008). The literature examined on college enrollment and degree attainment of students of diverse backgrounds is briefly summarized in Table 6.

Recruitment, Retention, and Attrition of Teachers of Diverse Backgrounds

In an effort to diversity the teaching workforce, policymakers and school officials have advocated improving recruitment and retention practices of underrepresented groups in the teaching profession (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Villegas & Irvine, 2010). Carnevale, Strohl, and Melton (2011) contended that a low percentage (10.6%) of U.S. college students choose education as a major, contributing to the limited pool of qualified candidates that can be recruited into the teaching profession. Furthermore, the ethnic/racial composition and gender backgrounds of education majors are predominantly female (77%) and White (82%). Ingersoll and May (2011b) argued that from 1988 to 2008 the number of teachers of diverse backgrounds at the elementary and secondary level increased from 325,000 to 642,000, which outpaced the numbers of White teachers by twice the rate. For this same time period, the number of diverse male teachers increased by 92% compared to White male teachers, who increased by only 18%. Notably, disparities still exist between the proportions of diverse teachers and diverse students in U.S. public schools; however, recruitment strategies may not be the only factor that contributes to the shortage of a diverse teacher workforce (Dilworth & Coleman, 2014; Ingersoll & May, 2011b). For example, low salaries and inefficient school management are also contributing factors of diverse teacher attrition (Boser, 2011).

In 2011, Feistritzer, author of The National Center for Education Information report, noted that public school teachers were least satisfied with the following: (a) salary (55%), (b) job status in the community (60%), (c) standardized testing (62%), and (d) school leadership (16%). Conversely, public school teachers were most satisfied with teacher-student relationships (97%) and relationships with other teachers (96%). Black teachers (37%) and Hispanic teachers (46%) were less likely than White teachers (53%) to be satisfied with their salary (Boser, 2011). Researchers (Ingersoll & May, 2011a; Partee, 2014; Villegas & Irvine, 2010) suggested that teachers of diverse backgrounds may be less satisfied with their salaries because they are more likely than White teachers to work in low-performing, low socioeconomic, urban schools, which have limited economic resources. Villegas and Irvine (2010) explained that teachers of diverse backgrounds appear to be drawn to urban, high-poverty school districts because they want to influence the academic achievement and cultural experiences of students from their own ethnic/racial group (National Collaborative on Diversity in the Teaching Force, 2004). Thus, recruiting diverse teacher groups into the teacher workforce can contribute to the overall supply of teachers in hard-to-staff schools and reduce the attrition of diverse teachers in those schools (Villegas & Irvine, 2010).

In an effort to increase diversity in the teacher workforce, most states utilize teacher preparation programs to attract college graduates and career professionals to the teaching profession (Bireda & Chait, 2014; Boser, 2011; Ingersoll & May, 2011a). Boser (2011) determined that Black teachers (27%) and Hispanic teachers (25%) were more likely than White teachers (11%) to enter the teaching profession through alternative routes. Despite the fact that more diverse teacher groups enter the teaching field through alternative preparation programs, great disparities exist among diverse teacher candidates’ licensure testing results compared to that of White teacher candidates (National Collaborative on Diversity in the Teaching Force, 2004). Furthermore, Hispanic teacher candidates score lower on teacher certification examinations than White or Black teacher candidates (Angrist & Guryan, 2008). For example, in Texas, Khan and Slate (2014) documented that Hispanic students constituted 51.7% of the total student enrollment in 2-year higher education institutions across the nation; however, the enrollment percentage was not reflective of the number of and percentage of Hispanic students taking and passing the Texas Examinations of Educator Standards. Therefore, teacher preparation programs in which early recruitment strategies of underrepresented student groups are incorporated establish a pathway to teacher certification and reduce the shortage of teacher diversity in public schools (Ingersoll & May, 2011a). Despite these recruitment efforts, school districts continue to struggle to diversity their teacher workforce (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Boser, 2011; Bireda & Chait, 2011; National Collaborative on Diversity in the Teaching Force, 2004; Partee, 2014). The literature examined on recruitment, retention, and attrition of teachers of diverse background is briefly summarized in Table 7.

Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework by which the literature was reviewed for this article was derived from critical race theory (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Critical race theory (CRT) refers to a critical framework in which racial inequalities and social injustices that are prevalent in American society are emphasized (Parker & Lynn, 2002). In education, critical race theory has been used to investigate inequities that exist in the current educational system pertaining to access, resources, and student achievement of underrepresented groups in a school setting (Aleman, 2009; Powers, 2007).

Additionally, critical race theory is used to support how the lack of teacher ethnic/racial and gender diversity in a school setting limits diverse students’ access to role models of diverse ethnic/racial and gender backgrounds. Without the opportunity for diverse student groups to experience different perspectives from diverse teacher backgrounds, students could continue to perpetuate gender and ethnic/racial biases that are prevalent in society (Bone, 2011; Tyler et al., 2004). Furthermore, a diverse teacher workforce could increase students’ awareness of underrepresented groups in positions of power in their learning environment (Irizarry & Donaldson, 2012).

Existing Policy Recommendations to Improve Teacher Diversity

Federal, state, and local education agencies must continue to work collaboratively in effort to align the ethnic/racial diversity of teachers better in U.S. public schools with the changing diverse student population (Ahmad & Boser, 2014). Dilworth and Coleman (2014) suggested that examining hiring and recruitment practices of hard-to-staff schools may provide crucial information regarding how placements of diverse teacher backgrounds are made. Furthermore, targeting teachers of diverse backgrounds who have lived in similar communities may positively influence the behavior patterns of students and teachers within the school setting (Dilworth & Coleman, 2014; Graham, 2014). Additionally, professional development programs should be implemented at the state and local level to provide diverse teachers with peer mentors and in- school support that may reduce diverse teacher attrition (National Collaborative on Diversity in the Teaching Force, 2004). Leaders of national and state educational organizations are encouraged to examine the efficacy of their current efforts in improving teacher diversity. To the extent that the strategies and programs they are using are not working, educational leaders need to consider other alternative strategies and programs.

Researchers (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; Dilworth & Coleman, 2014; Irizarry & Donaldson, 2012; National Collaborative on Diversity in the Teaching Force, 2004) discussed that improving the academic outcomes of diverse student groups at all school levels may help to increase the pool of diverse teacher candidates in the teaching profession. Federal, state, and local education agencies should create career pathways from high school to college that lead underrepresented student groups to pursue a career in the teaching profession (Bireda & Chait, 2011; Partee, 2014). Ahmad and Boser (2014) recommended that a national teacher corps be established to provide diverse student groups educational opportunities to pursue teaching and to receive high- quality training in areas related to teaching. To encourage participation among diverse student groups, a training stipend would be awarded. Furthermore, strengthening federal programs (e.g., Pell grant, financial aid, and scholarships) that provide diverse students with economic assistance for college expenses may help to alleviate the financial burden that may keep these students from attaining a college degree (Ahmad & Boser, 2014).

Additionally, increasing teacher salaries may attract more teachers of diverse backgrounds into the teaching profession. Feistritzer (2011) noted that teachers of diverse backgrounds were less satisfied with their jobs than White teachers due to salary. Therefore, state and local school districts must improve teacher salaries and provide competitive compensation packages to attract highly qualified and knowledgeable teachers of diverse backgrounds into the teaching profession (Ahmad & Boser, 2014; NCES, 2013). Furthermore, diverse teacher salaries should be based on the ability of teachers of diverse backgrounds to increase student outcomes at the school level, particularly in hard-to-staff schools (Ahmad & Boser, 2014).

Equally as important is the recruitment of males in the teaching workforce. Mills et al. (2004) suggested that male teacher recruitment begins in postsecondary education and continues through college. School districts that establish mentorship programs between male teachers and male students increase the likelihood that more male students will consider teaching as a viable career option (Mills et al., 2004). Furthermore, state and local education agencies may increase the number of male students in teacher preparation courses by developing scholarships that specifically target male students in those courses (Mills et al., 2004).

Ingersoll and May (2011b) argued that the lack of a diverse teacher workforce is, in part, due to teacher turnover and not necessarily recruitment strategies. Black and Hispanic teachers are more likely than White teachers to leave the teaching profession because they work in less desirable high poverty, hard-to-staff urban schools. Similarly, male teachers have high turnover rates because they leave the teaching profession to pursue more lucrative careers in another field. Ingersoll and May (2011b) suggested that continuing to focus on recruitment efforts to increase the number of diverse teachers in hard-to-staff school districts is futile. Instead, state and school districts should place substantial effort in reducing diverse teacher turnover and increasing job satisfaction among teachers of diverse ethnic/racial and gender backgrounds (Ingersoll & May, 2011b; Feistritzer, 2011).

Summary

Student demographics in U.S. public schools are rapidly changing; however, the teacher workforce has not kept up with these changes. Results from empirical studies related to the need for more teacher diversity in U.S. public schools revealed that changing student demographics, lack of diverse teacher role models, and awareness of cultural competence can contribute to achievement gaps among students of diverse backgrounds.

Furthermore, low percentages of diverse ethnic/racial and gender students completing high school and obtaining a professional degree, reduce the potential supply of diverse teachers in the workforce. Federal, state, and local policy makers must continue to establish viable pathways for diverse student groups to enter and remain in the teacher workforce.

References

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Aleman, E. Jr. (2009). Through the prism of critical race theory: Niceness and Latina/o leadership in the politics of education. Journal of Latinos and Education, 8(4), 290-311. doi:10.1080/15348430902973351

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