UP FROM SLAVERY: AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY

 

by Booker T. Washington

 

PREFACE

 

This volume is the outgrowth of a series of articles, dealing with  incidents in my life, which were published consecutively in the  Outlook.  While they were appearing in that magazine I was constantly surprised at the number of requests which came to me from all parts of the country, asking that the articles be permanently  preserved in book form.  I am most grateful to the Outlook for permission to gratify these requests.

 

I have tried to tell a simple, straightforward story, with no  attempt at embellishment.  My regret is that what I have attempted to  do has been done so imperfectly.  The greater part of my time and strength is required for the executive work connected with the  Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, and in securing the money  necessary for the support of the institution.  Much of what I have said has been written on board trains, or at hotels or railroad  stations while I have been waiting for trains, or during the moments  that I could spare from my work while at Tuskegee.  Without the painstaking and generous assistance of Mr. Max Bennett Thrasher I could not have succeeded in any satisfactory degree.

 

CHAPTER I

 

A SLAVE AMONG SLAVES

 

I WAS born a slave on a plantation in Franklin County, Virginia.  I am  not quite sure of the exact place or exact date of my birth, but at  any rate I suspect I must have been born somewhere and at some time.   As nearly as I have been able to learn, I was born near a cross-roads  post-office called Hale's Ford, and the year was 1858 or 1859.  I do  not know the month or the day.  The earliest impressions I can now  recall are of the plantation and the slave quarters - the latter  being the part of the plantation where the slaves had their cabins.

 

My life had its beginning in the midst of the most miserable,  desolate, and discouraging surroundings.  This was so, however, not  because my owners were especially cruel, for they were not, as  compared with many others.  I was born in a typical log cabin, about  fourteen by sixteen feet square.  In this cabin I lived with my mother  and a brother and sister till after the Civil War, when we were all  declared free.

 

Of my ancestry I know almost nothing.  In the slave quarters, and  even later, I heard whispered conversations among the coloured people  of the tortures which the slaves, including, no doubt, my ancestors on  my mother's side, suffered in the middle passage of the slave ship  while being conveyed from Africa to America.  I have been unsuccessful  in securing any information that would throw any accurate light upon  the history of my family beyond my mother.  She, I remember, had a  half-brother and a half-sister.  In the days of slavery not very much  attention was given to family history and family records - that is,  black family records.  My mother, I suppose, attracted the attention  of a purchaser who was afterward my owner and hers.  Her addition to  the slave family attracted about as much attention as the purchase of  a new horse or cow.  Of my father I know even less than of my mother.   I do not even know his name.  I have heard reports to the effect that  he was a white man who lived on one of the near-by plantations.   Whoever he was, I never heard of his taking the least interest in me  or providing in any way for my rearing.  But I do not find especial  fault with him.  He was simply another unfortunate victim of the  institution which the Nation unhappily had engrafted upon it at that  time.

 

The cabin was not only our living-place, but was also used as the  kitchen for the plantation.  My mother was the plantation cook.  The  cabin was without glass windows; it had only openings in the side  which let in the light, and also the cold, chilly air of winter.   There was a door to the cabin - that is, something that was called a  door - but the uncertain hinges by which it was hung, and the large  cracks in it, to say nothing of the fact that it was too small, made  the room a very uncomfortable one.  In addition to these openings  there was, in the lower right-hand corner of the room, the "cat-hole," - a contrivance which almost every mansion or cabin in Virginia  possessed during the ante-bellum period.  The "cat-hole" was a square  opening, about seven by eight inches, provided for the purpose of  letting the cat pass in and out of the house at will during the night.   In the case of our particular cabin I could never understand the  necessity for this convenience, since there were at least a half-dozen  other places in the cabin that would have accommodated the cats.   There was no wooden floor in our cabin, the naked earth being used as  a floor.  In the centre of the earthen floor there was a large, deep  opening covered with boards, which was used as a place in which to  store sweet potatoes during the winter.  An impression of this potato-hole is very distinctly engraved upon my memory, because I recall that  during the process of putting the potatoes in or taking them out I  would often come into possession of one or two, which I roasted and  thoroughly enjoyed.  There was no cooking-stove on our plantation, and  all the cooking for the whites and slaves my mother had to do over an  open fireplace, mostly in pots and "skillets."  While the poorly built  cabin caused us to suffer with cold in the winter, the heat from the  open fireplace in summer was equally trying.

 

The early years of my life, which were spent in the little cabin,  were not very different from those of thousands of other slaves.  My  mother, of course, had little time in which to give attention to the  training of her children during the day.  She snatched a few moments  for our care in the early morning before her work began, and at night  after the day's work was done.  One of my earliest recollections is  that of my mother cooking a chicken late at night, and awakening her  children for the purpose of feeding them.  How or where she got it I  do not know.  I presume, however, it was procured from our owner's  farm.  Some people may call this theft.  If such a thing were to  happen now, I should condemn it as theft myself.  But taking place at  the time it did, and for the reason that it did, no one could ever  make me believe that my mother was guilty of thieving.  She was simply  a victim of the system of slavery.  I cannot remember having slept in  a bed until after our family was declared free by the Emancipation  Proclamation.  Three children - John, my older brother, Amanda, my  sister, and myself - had a pallet on the dirt floor, or, to be more  correct, we slept in and on a bundle of filthy rags laid upon the dirt  floor.

 

I was asked not long ago to tell something about the sports and  pastimes that I engaged in during my youth.  Until that question was  asked it had never occurred to me that there was no period of my life  that was devoted to play.  From the time that I can remember anything,  almost every day of my life had been occupied in some kind of labour;  though I think I would now be a more useful man if I had had time for  sports.  During the period that I spent in slavery I was not large  enough to be of much service, still I was occupied most of the time in  cleaning the yards, carrying water to the men in the fields, or going  to the mill to which I used to take the corn, once a week, to be  ground.  The mill was about three miles from the plantation.  This  work I always dreaded.  The heavy bag of corn would be thrown across  the back of the horse, and the corn divided about evenly on each side;  but in some way, almost without exception, on these trips, the corn  would so shift as to become unbalanced and would fall off the horse,  and often I would fall with it.  As I was not strong enough to reload  the corn upon the horse, I would have to wait, sometimes for many  hours, till a chance passer-by came along who would help me out of my  trouble.  The hours while waiting for some one were usually spent in  crying.  The time consumed in this way made me late in reaching the  mill, and by the time I got my corn ground and reached home it would  be far into the night.  The road was a lonely one, and often led  through dense forests.  I was always frightened.  The woods were said  to be full of soldiers who had deserted from the army, and I had been  told that the first thing a deserter did to a Negro boy when he found  him alone was to cut off his ears.  Besides, when I was late in  getting home I knew I would always get a severe scolding or a  flogging.

 

I had no schooling whatever while I was a slave though I remember  on several occasions I went as far as the schoolhouse door with one of  my young mistresses to carry her books.  The picture of several dozen  boys and girls in a schoolroom engaged in study made a deep impression  upon me, and I had the feeling that to get into a schoolhouse and  study in this way would be about the same as getting into paradise.

 

So far as I can now recall, the first knowledge that I got of the  fact that we were slaves, and that freedom of the slaves was being  discussed, was early one morning before day, when I was awakened by my  mother kneeling over her children and fervently praying that Lincoln  and his armies might be successful, and that one day she and her  children might be free.  In this connection I have never been able to  understand how the slaves throughout the South, completely ignorant as  were the masses so far as books or newspapers were concerned, were  able to keep themselves so accurately and completely informed about  the great National questions that were agitating the country.  From  the time that Garrison, Lovejoy, and others began to agitate for  freedom, the slaves throughout the South kept in close touch with the  progress of the movement.  Though I was a mere child during the  preparation for the Civil War and during the war itself, I now recall  the many late-at-night whispered discussions that I heard my mother  and the other slaves on the plantation indulge in.  These discussions  showed that they understood the situation, and that they kept  themselves informed of events by what was termed the "grape-vine"  telegraph.

 

During the campaign when Lincoln was first a candidate for the  Presidency, the slaves on our far-off plantation, miles from any  railroad or large city or daily newspaper, knew what the issues  involved were.  When war was begun between the North and the South,  every slave on our plantation felt and knew that, though other issues  were discussed, the primal one was that of slavery.  Even the most  ignorant members of my race on the remote plantations felt in their  hearts, with a certainty that admitted of no doubt, that the freedom  of the slaves would be the one great result of the war, if the  northern armies conquered.  Every success of the Federal armies and  every defeat of the Confederate forces was watched with the keenest  and most intense interest.  Often the slaves got knowledge of the  results of great battles before the white people received it.  This  news was usually gotten from the coloured man who was sent to the  post-office for the mail.  In our case the post-office was about three  miles from the plantation, and the mail came once or twice a week.   The man who was sent to the office would linger about the place long  enough to get the drift of the conversation from the group of white  people who naturally congregated there, after receiving their mail, to  discuss the latest news.  The mail-carrier on his way back to our  master's house would as naturally retail the news that he had secured  among the slaves, and in this way they often heard of important events  before the white people at the "big house," as the master's house was  called.

 

I cannot remember a single instance during my childhood or early  boyhood when our entire family sat down to the table together, and  God's blessing was asked, and the family ate a meal in a civilized  manner.  On the plantation in Virginia, and even later, meals were  gotten by the children very much as dumb animals get theirs.  It was a  piece of bread here and a scrap of meat there.  It was a cup of milk  at one time and some potatoes at another.  Sometimes a portion of our  family would eat out of the skillet or pot, while some one else would  eat from a tin plate held on the knees, and often using nothing but  the hands with which to hold the food.  When I had grown to sufficient  size, I was required to go to the "big house" at meal-times to fan the  flies from the table by means of a large set of paper fans operated by  a pulley.  Naturally much of the conversation of the white people  turned upon the subject of freedom and the war, and I absorbed a good  deal of it.  I remember that at one time I saw two of my young  mistresses and some lady visitors eating ginger-cakes, in the yard.   At that time those cakes seemed to me to be absolutely the most  tempting and desirable things that I had ever seen; and I then and  there resolved that, if I ever got free, the height of my ambition  would be reached if I could get to the point where I could secure and  eat ginger-cakes in the way that I saw those ladies doing.

 

Of course as the war was prolonged the white people, in many  cases, often found it difficult to secure food for themselves.  I  think the slaves felt the deprivation less than the whites, because  the usual diet for slaves was corn bread and pork, and these could be  raised on the plantation; but coffee, tea, sugar, and other articles  which the whites had been accustomed to use could not be raised on the  plantation, and the conditions brought about by the war frequently  made it impossible to secure these things.  The whites were often in  great straits.  Parched corn was used for coffee, and a kind of black  molasses was used instead of sugar.  Many times nothing was used to  sweeten the so-called tea and coffee.

 

The first pair of shoes that I recall wearing were wooden ones.   They had rough leather on the top, but the bottoms, which were about  an inch thick, were of wood.  When I walked they made a fearful noise,  and besides this they were very inconvenient, since there was no  yielding to the natural pressure of the foot.  In wearing them one  presented and exceedingly awkward appearance.  The most trying ordeal  that I was forced to endure as a slave boy, however, was the wearing  of a flax shirt.  In the portion of Virginia where I lived it was  common to use flax as part of the clothing for the slaves.  That part  of the flax from which our clothing was made was largely the refuse,  which of course was the cheapest and roughest part.  I can scarcely  imagine any torture, except, perhaps, the pulling of a tooth, that is  equal to that caused by putting on a new flax shirt for the first  time.  It is almost equal to the feeling that one would experience if  he had a dozen or more chestnut burrs, or a hundred small pin-points,  in contact with his flesh.  Even to this day I can recall accurately  the tortures that I underwent when putting on one of these garments.   The fact that my flesh was soft and tender added to the pain.  But I  had no choice.  I had to wear the flax shirt or none; and had it been  left to me to choose, I should have chosen to wear no covering.  In  connection with the flax shirt, my brother John, who is several years  older than I am, performed one of the most generous acts that I ever  heard of one slave relative doing for another.  On several occasions  when I was being forced to wear a new flax shirt, he generously agreed  to put it on in my stead and wear it for several days, till it was  "broken in."  Until I had grown to be quite a youth this single  garment was all that I wore.

 

One may get the idea, from what I have said, that there was bitter  feeling toward the white people on the part of my race, because of the  fact that most of the white population was away fighting in a war  which would result in keeping the Negro in slavery if the South was  successful.  In the case of the slaves on our place this was not true,  and it was not true of any large portion of the slave population in  the South where the Negro was treated with anything like decency.   During the Civil War one of my young masters was killed, and two were  severely wounded.  I recall the feeling of sorrow which existed among  the slaves when they heard of the death of "Mars' Billy."  It was no  sham sorrow, but real.  Some of the slaves had nursed "Mars' Billy";  others had played with him when he was a child.  "Mars' Billy" had  begged for mercy in the case of others when the overseer or master was  thrashing them.  The sorrow in the slave quarter was only second to  that in the "big house."  When the two young masters were brought home  wounded, the sympathy of the slaves was shown in many ways.  They were  just as anxious to assist in the nursing as the family relatives of  the wounded.  Some of the slaves would even beg for the privilege of  sitting up at night to nurse their wounded masters.  This tenderness  and sympathy on the part of those held in bondage was a result of  their kindly and generous nature.  In order to defend and protect the  women and children who were left on the plantations when the white  males went to war, the slaves would have laid down their lives.  The  slave who was selected to sleep in the "big house" during the absence  of the males was considered to have the place of honour.  Any one  attempting to harm "young Mistress" or "old Mistress" during the night  would have had to cross the dead body of the slave to do so.  I do not  know how many have noticed it, but I think that it will be found to be  true that there are few instances, either in slavery or freedom, in  which a member of my race has been known to betray a specific trust.

 

As a rule, not only did the members of my race entertain no  feelings of bitterness against the whites before and during the war,  but there are many instances of Negroes tenderly carrying for their  former masters and mistresses who for some reason have become poor and  dependent since the war.  I know of instances where the former masters  of slaves have for years been supplied with money by their former  slaves to keep them from suffering.  I have known of still other cases  in which the former slaves have assisted in the education of the  descendants of their former owners.  I know of a case on a large  plantation in the South in which a young white man, the son of the  former owner of the estate, has become so reduced in purse and self-control by reason of drink that he is a pitiable creature; and yet,  notwithstanding the poverty of the coloured people themselves on this  plantation, they have for years supplied this young white man with the  necessities of life.  One sends him a little coffee or sugar, another  a little meat, and so on.  Nothing that the coloured people possess is  too good for the son of "old Mars' Tom," who will perhaps never be  permitted to suffer while any remain on the place who knew directly or  indirectly of "old Mars' Tom."

 

I have said that there are few instances of a member of my race  betraying a specific trust.  One of the best illustrations of this  which I know of is in the case of an ex-slave from Virginia whom I met  not long ago in a little town in the state of Ohio.  I found that this  man had made a contract with his master, two or three years previous  to the Emancipation Proclamation, to the effect that the slave was to  be permitted to buy himself, by paying so much per year for his body;  and while he was paying for himself, he was to be permitted to labour  where and for whom he pleased.  Finding that he could secure better  wages in Ohio, he went there.  When freedom came, he was still in debt  to his master some three hundred dollars.  Notwithstanding that the  Emancipation Proclamation freed him from any obligation to his master,  this black man walked the greater portion of the distance back to  where his old master lived in Virginia, and placed the last dollar,  with interest, in his hands.  In talking to me about this, the man  told me that he knew that he did not have to pay the debt, but that he  had given his word to the master, and his word he had never broken.   He felt that he could not enjoy his freedom till he had fulfilled his  promise.

 

From some things that I have said one may get the idea that some  of the slaves did not want freedom.  This is not true.  I have never  seen one who did not want to be free, or one who would return to  slavery.

 

I pity from the bottom of my heart any nation or body of people  that is so unfortunate as to get entangled in the net of slavery.  I  have long since ceased to cherish any spirit of bitterness against the  Southern white people on account of the enslavement of my race.  No  one section of our country was wholly responsible for its  introduction, and, besides, it was recognized and protected for years  by the General Government.  Having once got its tentacles fastened on  to the economic and social life of the Republic, it was no easy matter  for the country to relieve itself of the institution.  Then, when we  rid ourselves of prejudice, or racial feeling, and look facts in the  face, we must acknowledge that, notwithstanding the cruelty and moral  wrong of slavery, the ten million Negroes inhabiting this country, who  themselves or whose ancestors went through the school of American  slavery, are in a stronger and more hopeful condition, materially,  intellectually, morally, and religiously, than is true of an equal  number of black people in any other portion of the globe.  This is so  to such an extend that Negroes in this country, who themselves or  whose forefathers went through the school of slavery, are constantly  returning to Africa as missionaries to enlighten those who remained in  the fatherland.  This I say, not to justify slavery - on the other  hand, I condemn it as an institution, as we all know that in America  it was established for selfish and financial reasons, and not from a  missionary motive - but to call attention to a fact, and to show how  Providence so often uses men and institutions to accomplish a purpose.   When persons ask me in these days how, in the midst of what sometimes  seem hopelessly discouraging conditions, I can have such faith in the  future of my race in this country, I remind them of the wilderness  through which and out of which, a good Providence has already led us.

 

Ever since I have been old enough to think for myself, I have  entertained the idea that, notwithstanding the cruel wrongs inflicted  upon us, the black man got nearly as much out of slavery as the white  man did.  The hurtful influences of the institution were not by any  means confined to the Negro.  This was fully illustrated by the life  upon our own plantation.  The whole machinery of slavery was so  constructed as to cause labour, as a rule, to be looked upon as a  badge of degradation, of inferiority.  Hence labour was something that  both races on the slave plantation sought to escape.  The slave system  on our place, in a large measure, took the spirit of self-reliance and  self-help out of the white people.  My old master had many boys and  girls, but not one, so far as I know, ever mastered a single trade or  special line of productive industry.  The girls were not taught to  cook, sew, or to take care of the house.  All of this was left to the  saves.  The slaves, of course, had little personal interest in the  life of the plantation, and their ignorance prevented them from  learning how to do things in the most improved and thorough manner.   As a result of the system, fences were out of repair, gates were  hanging half off the hinges, doors creaked, window-panes were out,  plastering had fallen but was not replaced, weeds grew in the yard.   As a rule, there was food for whites and blacks, but inside the house,  and on the dining-room table, there was wanting that delicacy and  refinement of touch and finish which can make a home the most  convenient, comfortable, and attractive place in the world.  Withal  there was a waste of food and other materials which was sad.  When  freedom came, the slaves were almost as well fitted to begin life anew  as the master, except in the matter of book-learning and ownership of  property.  The slave owner and his sons had mastered no special  industry.  They unconsciously had imbibed the feeling that manual  labour was not the proper thing for them.  On the other hand, the  slaves, in many cases, had mastered some handicraft, and none were  ashamed, and few unwilling, to labour.

 

Finally the war closed, and the day of freedom came.  It was a  momentous and eventful day to all upon our plantation.  We have been  expecting it.  Freedom was in the air, and had been for months.   Deserting soldiers returning to their homes were to be seen every day.   Others who had been discharged, or whose regiments had been paroled,  were constantly passing near our place.  The "grape-vine telegraph"  was kept busy night and day.  The news and mutterings of great events  were swiftly carried from one plantation to another.  In the fear of  "Yankee" invasions, the silverware and other valuables were taken from  the "big house," buried in the woods, and guarded by trusted slaves.   Woe be to any one who would have attempted to disturb the buried  treasure.  The slaves would give the Yankee soldiers food, drink,  clothing - anything but that which had been specifically intrusted  [sic] to their care and honour.  As the great day drew nearer, there  was more singing in the slave quarters than usual.  It was bolder, had  more ring, and lasted later into the night.  Most of the verses of the  plantation songs had some reference to freedom.  True, they had sung  those same verses before, but they had been careful to explain that  the "freedom" in these songs referred to the next world, and had no  connection with life in this world.  Now they gradually threw off the  mask, and were not afraid to let it be known that the "freedom" in  their songs meant freedom of the body in this world.  The night before  the eventful day, word was sent to the slaver quarters to the effect  that something unusual was going to take place at the "big house" the  next morning.  There was little, if any, sleep that night.  All as  excitement and expectancy.  Early the next morning word was sent to  all the slaves, old and young, to gather at the house.  In company  with my mother, brother, and sister, and a large number of other  slaves, I went to the master's house.  All of our master's family were  either standing or seated on the veranda of the house, where they  could see what was to take place and hear what was said.  There was a  feeling of deep interest, or perhaps sadness, on their faces, but not  bitterness.  As I now recall the impression they made upon me, they  did not at the moment seem to be sad because of the loss of property,  but rather because of parting with those whom they had reared and who  were in many ways very close to them.  The most distinct thing that I  now recall in connection with the scene was that some man who seemed  to be a stranger (a United States officer, I presume) made a little  speech and then read a rather long paper - the Emancipation  Proclamation, I think.  After the reading we were told that we were  all free, and could go when and where we pleased.  My mother, who was  standing by my side, leaned over and kissed her children, while tears  of joy ran down her cheeks.  She explained to us what it all meant,  that this was the day for which she had been so long praying, but  fearing that she would never live to see.

 

For some minutes there was great rejoicing, and thanksgiving, and  wild scenes of ecstasy.  But there was no feeling of bitterness.  In  fact, there was pity among the slaves for our former owners.  The wild  rejoicing on the part of the emancipated coloured people lasted but  for a brief period, for I noticed that by the time they returned to  their cabins there was a change in their feelings.  The great  responsibility of being free, of having charge of themselves, of  having to think and plan for themselves and their children, seemed to  take possession of them.  It was very much like suddenly turning a  youth of ten or twelve years out into the world to provide for  himself.  In a few hours the great questions with which the Anglo-Saxon race had been grappling for centuries had been thrown upon these  people to be solved.  These were the questions of a home, a living,  the rearing of children, education, citizenship, and the establishment  and support of churches.  Was it any wonder that within a few hours  the wild rejoicing ceased and a feeling of deep gloom seemed to  pervade the slave quarters?  To some it seemed that, now that they  were in actual possession of it, freedom was a more serious thing than  they had expected to find it.  Some of the slaves were seventy or  eighty years old; their best days were gone.  They had no strength  with which to earn a living in a strange place and among strange  people, even if they had been sure where to find a new place of abode.   To this class the problem seemed especially hard.  Besides, deep down  in their hearts there was a strange and peculiar attachment to "old  Marster" and "old Missus," and to their children, which they found it  hard to think of breaking off.  With these they had spent in some  cases nearly a half-century, and it was no light thing to think of  parting.  Gradually, one by one, stealthily at first, the older slaves  began to wander from the slave quarters back to the "big house" to  have a whispered conversation with their former owners as to the  future.

 

CHAPTER II

 

BOYHOOD DAYS

 

AFTER the coming of freedom there were two points upon which  practically all the people on our place were agreed, and I found that  this was generally true throughout the South:  that they must change  their names, and that they must leave the old plantation for at least  a few days or weeks in order that they might really feel sure that  they were free.

 

In some way a feeling got among the coloured people that it was  far from proper for them to bear the surname of their former owners,  and a great many of them took other surnames.  This was one of the  first signs of freedom.  When they were slaves, a coloured person was  simply called "John" or "Susan."  There was seldom occasion for more  than the use of the one name.  If "John" or "Susan" belonged to a  white man by the name of "Hatcher," sometimes he was called "John  Hatcher," or as often "Hatcher's John."  But there was a feeling that  "John Hatcher" or "Hatcher's John" was not the proper title by which  to denote a freeman; and so in many cases "John Hatcher" was changed  to "John S. Lincoln" or "John S. Sherman," the initial "S" standing  for no name, it being simply a part of what the coloured man proudly  called his "entitles."

 

As I have stated, most of the coloured people left the old  plantation for a short while at least, so as to be sure, it seemed,  that they could leave and try their freedom on to see how it felt.   After they had remained away for a while, many of the older slaves,  especially, returned to their old homes and made some kind of contract  with their former owners by which they remained on the estate.

 

My mother's husband, who was the stepfather of my brother John and  myself, did not belong to the same owners as did my mother.  In fact,  he seldom came to our plantation.  I remember seeing his there perhaps  once a year, that being about Christmas time.  In some way, during the  war, by running away and following the Federal soldiers, it seems, he  found his way into the new state of West Virginia.  As soon as freedom  was declared, he sent for my mother to come to the Kanawha Valley, in  West Virginia.  At that time a journey from Virginia over the  mountains to West Virginia was rather a tedious and in some cases a  painful undertaking.  What little clothing and few household goods we  had were placed in a cart, but the children walked the greater portion  of the distance, which was several hundred miles.

 

I do not think any of us ever had been very far from the  plantation, and the taking of a long journey into another state was  quite an event.  The parting from our former owners and the members of  our own race on the plantation was a serious occasion.  From the time  of our parting till their death we kept up a correspondence with the  older members of the family, and in later years we have kept in touch  with those who were the younger members.  We were several weeks making  the trip, and most of the time we slept in the open air and did our  cooking over a log fire out-of-doors.  One night I recall that we  camped near an abandoned log cabin, and my mother decided to build a  fire in that for cooking, and afterward to make a "pallet" on the  floor for our sleeping.  Just as the fire had gotten well started a  large black snake fully a yard and a half long dropped down the  chimney and ran out on the floor.  Of course we at once abandoned that  cabin.  Finally we reached our destination - a little town called  Malden, which is about five miles from Charleston, the present capital  of the state.

 

At that time salt-mining was the great industry in that part of  West Virginia, and the little town of Malden was right in the midst of  the salt-furnaces.  My stepfather had already secured a job at a salt-furnace, and he had also secured a little cabin for us to live in.   Our new house was no better than the one we had left on the old  plantation in Virginia.  In fact, in one respect it was worse.   Notwithstanding the poor condition of our plantation cabin, we were at  all times sure of pure air.  Our new home was in the midst of a  cluster of cabins crowded closely together, and as there were no  sanitary regulations, the filth about the cabins was often  intolerable.  Some of our neighbours were coloured people, and some  were the poorest and most ignorant and degraded white people.  It was  a motley mixture.  Drinking, gambling, quarrels, fights, and  shockingly immoral practices were frequent.  All who lived in the  little town were in one way or another connected with the salt  business.  Though I was a mere child, my stepfather put me and my  brother at work in one of the furnaces.  Often I began work as early  as four o'clock in the morning.

 

The first thing I ever learned in the way of book knowledge was  while working in this salt-furnace.  Each salt-packer had his barrels  marked with a certain number.  The number allotted to my stepfather  was "18."  At the close of the day's work the boss of the packers  would come around and put "18" on each of our barrels, and I soon  learned to recognize that figure wherever I saw it, and after a while  got to the point where I could make that figure, though I knew nothing  about any other figures or letters.

 

From the time that I can remember having any thoughts about  anything, I recall that I had an intense longing to learn to read.  I  determined, when quite a small child, that, if I accomplished nothing  else in life, I would in some way get enough education to enable me to  read common books and newspapers.  Soon after we got settled in some  manner in our new cabin in West Virginia, I induced my mother to get  hold of a book for me.  How or where she got it I do not know, but in  some way she procured an old copy of Webster's "blue-back" spelling-book, which contained the alphabet, followed by such meaningless words  as "ab," "ba," "ca," "da."  I began at once to devour this book, and I  think that it was the first one I ever had in my hands.  I had learned  from somebody that the way to begin to read was to learn the alphabet,  so I tried in all the ways I could think of to learn it, - all of  course without a teacher, for I could find no one to teach me.  At  that time there was not a single member of my race anywhere near us  who could read, and I was too timid to approach any of the white  people.  In some way, within a few weeks, I mastered the greater  portion of the alphabet.  In all my efforts to learn to read my mother  shared fully my ambition, and sympathized with me and aided me in  every way that she could.  Though she was totally ignorant, she had  high ambitions for her children, and a large fund of good, hard,  common sense, which seemed to enable her to meet and master every  situation.  If I have done anything in life worth attention, I feel  sure that I inherited the disposition from my mother.

 

In the midst of my struggles and longing for an education, a young  coloured boy who had learned to read in the state of Ohio came to  Malden.  As soon as the coloured people found out that he could read,  a newspaper was secured, and at the close of nearly every day's work  this young man would be surrounded by a group of men and women who  were anxious to hear him read the news contained in the papers.  How I  used to envy this man!  He seemed to me to be the one young man in all  the world who ought to be satisfied with his attainments.

 

About this time the question of having some kind of a school  opened for the coloured children in the village began to be discussed  by members of the race.  As it would be the first school for Negro  children that had ever been opened in that part of Virginia, it was,  of course, to be a great event, and the discussion excited the wildest  interest.  The most perplexing question was where to find a teacher.   The young man from Ohio who had learned to read the papers was  considered, but his age was against him.  In the midst of the  discussion about a teacher, another young coloured man from Ohio, who  had been a soldier, in some way found his way into town.  It was soon  learned that he possessed considerable education, and he was engaged  by the coloured people to teach their first school.  As yet no free  schools had been started for coloured people in that section, hence  each family agreed to pay a certain amount per month, with the  understanding that the teacher was to "board 'round" - that is, spend  a day with each family.  This was not bad for the teacher, for each  family tried to provide the very best on the day the teacher was to be  its guest.  I recall that I looked forward with an anxious appetite to  the "teacher's day" at our little cabin.

 

 

This experience of a whole race beginning to go to school for the  first time, presents one of the most interesting studies that has ever  occurred in connection with the development of any race.  Few people  who were not right in the midst of the scenes can form any exact idea  of the intense desire which the people of my race showed for an  education.  As I have stated, it was a whole race trying to go to  school.  Few were too young, and none too old, to make the attempt to  learn.  As fast as any kind of teachers could be secured, not only  were day-schools filled, but night-schools as well.  The great  ambition of the older people was to try to learn to read the Bible  before they died.  With this end in view men and women who were fifty  or seventy-five years old would often be found in the night-school.   Some day-schools were formed soon after freedom, but the principal  book studied in the Sunday-school was the spelling-book.  Day-school,  night-school, Sunday-school, were always crowded, and often many had  to be turned away for want of room.

 

The opening of the school in the Kanawha Valley, however, brought   to me one of the keenest disappointments that I ever experienced.  I  had been working in a salt-furnace for several months, and my  stepfather had discovered that I had a financial value, and so, when  the school opened, he decided that he could not spare me from my work.   This decision seemed to cloud my every ambition.  The disappointment  was made all the more severe by reason of the fact that my place of  work was where I could see the happy children passing to and from  school mornings and afternoons.  Despite this disappointment, however,  I determined that I would learn something, anyway.  I applied myself  with greater earnestness than ever to the mastering of what was in the  "blue-back" speller.

 

My mother sympathized with me in my disappointment, and sought to  comfort me in all the ways she could, and to help me find a way to  learn.  After a while I succeeded in making arrangements with the  teacher to give me some lessons at night, after the day's work was  done.  These night lessons were so welcome that I think I learned more  at night than the other children did during the day.  My own  experiences in the night-school gave me faith in the night-school  idea, with which, in after years, I had to do both at Hampton and  Tuskegee.  But my boyish heart was still set upon going to the day-school, and I let no opportunity slip to push my case.  Finally I won,  and was permitted to go to the school in the day for a few months,  with the understanding that I was to rise early in the morning and  work in the furnace till nine o'clock, and return immediately after  school closed in the afternoon for at least two more hours of work.

 

The schoolhouse was some distance from the furnace, and as I had  to work till nine o'clock, and the school opened at nine, I found  myself in a difficulty.  School would always be begun before I reached  it, and sometimes my class had recited.  To get around this difficulty  I yielded to a temptation for which most people, I suppose, will  condemn me; but since it is a fact, I might as well state it.  I have  great faith in the power and influence of facts.  It is seldom that  anything is permanently gained by holding back a fact.  There was a  large clock in a little office in the furnace.  This clock, of course,  all the hundred or more workmen depended upon to regulate their hours  of beginning and ending the day's work.  I got the idea that the way  for me to reach school on time was to move the clock hands from half-past eight up to the nine o'clock mark.  This I found myself doing  morning after morning, till the furnace "boss" discovered that  something was wrong, and locked the clock in a case.  I did not mean  to inconvenience anybody.  I simply meant to reach that schoolhouse in  time.

 

When, however, I found myself at the school for the first time, I  also found myself confronted with two other difficulties.  In the  first place, I found that all the other children wore hats or caps on  their heads, and I had neither hat nor cap.  In fact, I do not  remember that up to the time of going to school I had ever worn any  kind of covering upon my head, nor do I recall that either I or  anybody else had even thought anything about the need of covering for  my head.  But, of course, when I saw how all the other boys were  dressed, I began to feel quite uncomfortable.  As usual, I put the  case before my mother, and she explained to me that she had no money  with which to buy a "store hat," which was a rather new institution at  that time among the members of my race and was considered quite the  thing for young and old to own, but that she would find a way to help  me out of the difficulty.  She accordingly got two pieces of  "homespun" (jeans) and sewed them together, and I was soon the proud  possessor of my first cap.

 

The lesson that my mother taught me in this has always remained  with me, and I have tried as best as I could to teach it to others.  I  have always felt proud, whenever I think of the incident, that my  mother had strength of character enough not to be led into the  temptation of seeming to be that which she was not - of trying to  impress my schoolmates and others with the fact that she was able to  buy me a "store hat" when she was not.  I have always felt proud that  she refused to go into debt for that which she did not have the money  to pay for.  Since that time I have owned many kinds of caps and hats,  but never one of which I have felt so proud as of the cap made of the  two pieces of cloth sewed together by my mother.  I have noted the  fact, but without satisfaction, I need not add, that several of the  boys who began their careers with "store hats" and who were my  schoolmates and used to join in the sport that was made of me because  I had only a "homespun" cap, have ended their careers in the  penitentiary, while others are not able now to buy any kind of hat.

 

My second difficulty was with regard to my name, or rather a  name.  From the time when I could remember anything, I had been called  simply "Booker."  Before going to school it had never occurred to me  that it was needful or appropriate to have an additional name.  When I  heard the schoolroll called, I noticed that all of the children had at  least two names, and some of them indulged in what seemed to me the  extravagance of having three.  I was in deep perplexity, because I  knew that the teacher would demand of me at least two names, and I had  only one.  By the time the occasion came for the enrolling of my name,  an idea occurred to me which I thought would make me equal to the  situation; and so, when the teacher asked me what my full name was, I  calmly told him "Booker Washington," as if I had been called by that  name all my life; and by that name I have since been known.  Later in  my life I found that my mother had given me the name of "Booker  Taliaferro" soon after I was born, but in some way that part of my  name seemed to disappear and for a long while was forgotten, but as  soon as I found out about it I revived it, and made my full name  "Booker Taliaferro Washington."  I think there are not many men in our  country who have had the privilege of naming themselves in the way  that I have.

 

More than once I have tried to picture myself in the position of a  boy or man with an honoured and distinguished ancestry which I could  trace back through a period of hundreds of years, and who had not only  inherited a name, but fortune and a proud family homestead; and yet I  have sometimes had the feeling that if I had inherited these, and had  been a member of a more popular race, I should have been inclined to  yield to the temptation of depending upon my ancestry and my colour to  do that for me which I should do for myself.  Years ago I resolved  that because I had no ancestry myself I would leave a record of which  my children would be proud, and which might encourage them to still  higher effort.

 

The world should not pass judgment upon the Negro, and especially  the Negro youth, too quickly or too harshly.  The Negro boy has  obstacles, discouragements, and temptations to battle with that are  little know to those not situated as he is.  When a white boy  undertakes a task, it is taken for granted that he will succeed.  On  the other hand, people are usually surprised if the Negro boy does not  fail.  In a word, the Negro youth starts out with the presumption  against him.

 

The influence of ancestry, however, is important in helping  forward any individual or race, if too much reliance is not placed  upon it.  Those who constantly direct attention to the Negro youth's  moral weaknesses, and compare his advancement with that of white  youths, do not consider the influence of the memories which cling  about the old family homesteads.  I have no idea, as I have stated  elsewhere, who my grandmother was.  I have, or have had, uncles and  aunts and cousins, but I have no knowledge as to where most of them  are.  My case will illustrate that of hundreds of thousands of black  people in every part of our country.  The very fact that the white boy  is conscious that, if he fails in life, he will disgrace the whole  family record, extending back through many generations, is of  tremendous value in helping him to resist temptations.  The fact that  the individual has behind and surrounding him proud family history and  connection serves as a stimulus to help him to overcome obstacles when  striving for success.

 

The time that I was permitted to attend school during the day was  short, and my attendance was irregular.  It was not long before I had  to stop attending day-school altogether, and devote all of my time  again to work.  I resorted to the night-school again.  In fact, the  greater part of the education I secured in my boyhood was gathered  through the night-school after my day's work was done.  I had  difficulty often in securing a satisfactory teacher.  Sometimes, after  I had secured some one to teach me at night, I would find, much to my  disappointment, that the teacher knew but little more than I did.  Often I would have to walk several miles at night in order to recite  my night-school lessons.  There was never a time in my youth, no  matter how dark and discouraging the days might be, when one resolve  did not continually remain with me, and that was a determination to  secure an education at any cost.

 

Soon after we moved to West Virginia, my mother adopted into our  family, notwithstanding our poverty, an orphan boy, to whom afterward  we gave the name of James B. Washington.  He has ever since remained a  member of the family.

 

After I had worked in the salt-furnace for some time, work was  secured for me in a coal-mine which was operated mainly for the  purpose of securing fuel for the salt-furnace.  Work in the coal-mine  I always dreaded.  One reason for this was that any one who worked in  a coal-mine was always unclean., at least while at work, and it was a  very hard job to get one's skin clean after the day's work was over.   Then it was fully a mile from the opening of the coal-mine to the face  of the coal, and all, of course, was in the blackest darkness.  I do  not believe that one ever experiences anywhere else such darkness as  he does in a coal-mine.  The mine was divided into a large number of  different "rooms" or departments, and, as I never was able to learn  the location of all these "rooms," I many times found myself lost in  the mine.  To add to the horror of being lost, sometimes my light  would go out, and then, if I did not happen to have a match, I would  wander about in the darkness until by chance I found some one to give  me a light.  The work was not only hard, but it was dangerous.  There  was always the danger of being blown to pieces by a premature  explosion of powder, or of being crushed by falling slate.  Accidents  from one or the other of these causes were frequently occurring, and  this kept me in constant fear.  Many children of the tenderest years  were compelled then, as is now true I fear, in most coal-mining  districts, to spend a large part of their lives in these coal-mines,  with little opportunity to get an education; and, what is worse, I  have often noted that, as a rule, young boys who begin life in a coal-mine are often physically and mentally dwarfed.  They soon lose  ambition to do anything else than to continue as a coal-miner.

 

In those days, and later as a young man, I used to try to picture  in my imagination the feelings and ambitions of a white boy with  absolutely no limit placed upon his aspirations and activities.  I  used to envy the white boy who had no obstacles placed in the way of  his becoming a Congressman, Governor, Bishop, or President by reason  of the accident of his birth or race.  I used to picture the way that  I would act under such circumstances; how I would begin at the bottom  and keep rising until I reached the highest round of success.

 

In later years, I confess that I do not envy the white boy as I  once did.  I have learned that success is to be measured not so much  by the position that one has reached in life as by the obstacles which  he has overcome while trying to succeed.  Looked at from this  standpoint, I almost reached the conclusion that often the Negro boy's  birth and connection with an unpopular race is an advantage, so far as  real life is concerned.  With few exceptions, the Negro youth must  work harder and must perform his tasks even better than a white youth  in order to secure recognition.  But out of the hard and unusual  struggle through which he is compelled to pass, he gets a strength, a  confidence, that one misses whose pathway is comparatively smooth by  reason of birth and race.

 

From any point of view, I had rather be what I am, a member of the  Negro race, than be able to claim membership with the most favoured of  any other race.  I have always been made sad when I have heard members  of any race claiming rights or privileges, or certain badges of  distinction, on the ground simply that they were members of this or  that race, regardless of their own individual worth or attainments.  I  have been made to feel sad for such persons because I am conscious of  the fact that mere connection with what is known as a superior race  will not permanently carry an individual forward unless he has  individual worth, and mere connection with what is regarded as an  inferior race will not finally hold an individual back if he possesses  intrinsic, individual merit.  Every persecuted individual and race  should get much consolation out of the great human law, which is  universal and eternal, that merit, no matter under what skin found,  is, in the long run, recognized and rewarded.  This I have said here,  not to call attention to myself as an individual, but to the race to  which I am proud to belong.

 

CHAPTER III

 

THE STRUGGLE FOR AN EDUCATION

 

ONE day, while at work in the coal-mine, I happened to overhear two  miners talking about a great school for coloured people somewhere in  Virginia.  This was the first time that I had ever heard anything  about any kind of school or college that was more pretentious than the  little coloured school in our town.

 

In the darkness of the mine I noiselessly crept as close as I  could to the two men who were talking.  I heard one tell the other  that not only was the school established for the members of any race,  but the opportunities that it provided by which poor but worthy  students could work out all or a part of the cost of a board, and at  the same time be taught some trade or industry.

 

As they went on describing the school, it seemed to me that it  must be the greatest place on earth, and not even Heaven presented  more attractions for me at that time than did the Hampton Normal and  Agricultural Institute in Virginia, about which these men were  talking.  I resolved at once to go to that school, although I had no  idea where it was, or how many miles away, or how I was going to reach  it; I remembered only that I was on fire constantly with one ambition,  and that was to go to Hampton.  This thought was with me day and  night.

 

After hearing of the Hampton Institute, I continued to work for a  few months longer in the coal-mine.  While at work there, I heard of a  vacant position in the household of General Lewis Ruffner, the owner  of the salt-furnace and coal-mine.  Mrs. Viola Ruffner, the wife of  General Ruffner, was a "Yankee" woman from Vermont.  Mrs. Ruffner had  a reputation all through the vicinity for being very strict with her  servants, and especially with the boys who tried to serve her.  Few of  them remained with her more than two or three weeks.  They all left  with the same excuse:  she was too strict.  I decided, however, that I  would rather try Mrs. Ruffner's house than remain in the coal-mine,  and so my mother applied to her for the vacant position.  I was hired  at a salary of $5 per month.

 

I had heard so much about Mrs. Ruffner's severity that I was  almost afraid to see her, and trembled when I went into her presence.   I had not lived with her many weeks, however, before I began to  understand her.  I soon began to learn that, first of all, she wanted  everything kept clean about her, that she wanted things done promptly  and systematically, and that at the bottom of everything she wanted  absolute honesty and frankness.  Nothing must be sloven or slipshod;  every door, every fence, must be kept in repair.

 

I cannot now recall how long I lived with Mrs. Ruffner before  going to Hampton, but I think it must have been a year and a half.  At  any rate, I here repeat what i have said more than once before, that  the lessons that I learned in the home of Mrs. Ruffner were as  valuable to me as any education I have ever gotten anywhere else.   Even to this day I never see bits of paper scattered around a house or  in the street that I do not want to pick them up at once.  I never see  a filthy yard that I do not want to clean it, a paling off of a fence  that I do not want to put it on, an unpainted or unwhitewashed house  that I do not want to pain or whitewash it, or a button off one's  clothes, or a grease-spot on them or on a floor, that I do not want to  call attention to it.

 

From fearing Mrs. Ruffner I soon learned to look upon her as one  of my best friends.  When she found that she could trust me she did so  implicitly.  During the one or two winters that I was with her she  gave me an opportunity to go to school for an hour in the day during a  portion of the winter months, but most of my studying was done at  night, sometimes alone, sometimes under some one whom I could hire to  teach me.  Mrs. Ruffner always encouraged and sympathized with me in  all my efforts to get an education.  It was while living with her that  I began to get together my first library.  I secured a dry-goods box,  knocked out one side of it, put some shelves in it, and began putting  into it every kind of book that I could get my hands upon, and called  it my "library."

 

Notwithstanding my success at Mrs. Ruffner's I did not give up the  idea of going to the Hampton Institute.  In the fall of 1872 I  determined to make an effort to get there, although, as I have stated,  I had no definite idea of the direction in which Hampton was, or of  what it would cost to go there.  I do not think that any one  thoroughly sympathized with me in my ambition to go to Hampton unless  it was my mother, and she was troubled with a grave fear that I was  starting out on a "wild-goose chase."  At any rate, I got only a half-hearted consent from her that I might start.  The small amount of  money that I had earned had been consumed by my stepfather and the  remainder of the family, with the exception of a very few dollars, and  so I had very little with which to buy clothes and pay my travelling  expenses.  My brother John helped me all that he could, but of course  that was not a great deal, for his work was in the coal-mine, where he  did not earn much, and most of what he did earn went in the direction  of paying the household expenses.

 

Perhaps the thing that touched and pleased me most in connection  with my starting for Hampton was the interest that many of the older  coloured people took in the matter.  They had spent the best days of  their lives in slavery, and hardly expected to live to see the time  when they would