The
Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin
INTRODUCTORY
NOTE
BENJAMIN
Meantime
The first
five chapters of the Autobiography were composed in
BENJAMIN
FRANKLIN HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1706-1757
TWYFORD, at the Bishop of St. Asaph's, 1771.
The country-seat of Bishop Shipley, the good bishop, as Dr. Franklin used to style him.
DEAR SON: I have ever
had pleasure in obtaining any little anecdotes of my ancestors. You may remember the inquiries I made among
the remains of my relations when you were with me in
After the words "agreeable to" the words
"some of" were interlined and afterward effaced.
That felicity, when I reflected on it, has induced me
sometimes to say, that were it offered to my choice, I should have no objection
to a repetition of the same life from its beginning, only asking the advantages
authors have in a second edition to correct some faults of the first. So I might, besides correcting the faults,
change some sinister accidents and events of it for others more favorable. But though this were denied, I should still
accept the offer. Since such a repetition
is not to be expected, the next thing most like living one's life over again
seems to be a recollection of that life, and to make that recollection as
durable as possible by putting it down in writing.
Hereby, too, I shall indulge the inclination so natural in
old men, to be talking of themselves and their own past actions; and I shall
indulge it without being tiresome to others, who, through respect to age, might
conceive themselves obliged to give me a hearing, since this may be read or not
as any one pleases. And, lastly (I may
as well confess it, since my denial of it will be believed by nobody), perhaps
I shall a good deal gratify my own vanity.
Indeed, I scarce ever heard or saw the introductory words, "Without
vanity I may say," &c., but some vain thing immediately followed. Most people dislike vanity in others,
whatever share they have of it themselves; but I give it fair quarter wherever
I meet with it, being persuaded that it is often productive of good to the
possessor, and to others that are within his sphere of action; and therefore,
in many cases, it would not be altogether absurd if a man were to thank God for
his vanity among the other comforts of life.
And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with all humility
to acknowledge that I owe the mentioned happiness of my past life to His kind
providence, which lead me to the means I used and gave them success. My belief of this induces me to hope, though
I must not presume, that the same goodness will still be exercised toward me,
in continuing that happiness, or enabling me to bear a fatal reverse, which I
may experience as others have done: the
complexion of my future fortune being known to Him only in whose power it is to
bless to us even our afflictions.
The notes one of my uncles (who had the same kind of
curiosity in collecting family anecdotes) once put into my hands, furnished me
with several particulars relating to our ancestors. From these notes I learned that the family
had lived in the same village, Ecton, in Northamptonshire, for three hundred
years, and how much longer he knew not (perhaps from the time when the name of
Franklin, that before was the name of an order of people, was assumed by them
as a surname when others took surnames all over the kingdom), on a freehold of
about thirty acres, aided by the smith's business, which had continued in the
family till his time, the eldest son being always bred to that business; a
custom which he and my father followed as to their eldest sons. When I searched the registers at Ecton, I
found an account of their births, marriages and burials from the year 1555
only, there being no registers kept in that parish at any time preceding. By that register I perceived that I was the
youngest son of the youngest son for five generations back. My grandfather Thomas, who was born in 1598,
lived at Ecton till he grew too old to follow business longer, when he went to
live with his son John, a dyer at Banbury, in Oxfordshire, with whom my father
served an apprenticeship. There my
grandfather died and lies buried. We saw
his gravestone in 1758. His eldest son
Thomas lived in the house at Ecton, and left it with the land to his only
child, a daughter, who, with her husband, one Fisher, of Wellingborough, sold
it to Mr. Isted, now lord of the manor there.
My grandfather had four sons that grew up, viz.: Thomas, John, Benjamin
and Josiah. I will give you what account
I can of them, at this distance from my papers, and if these are not lost in my
absence, you will among them find many more particulars.
Thomas was bred a smith under his father; but, being
ingenious, and encouraged in learning (as all my brothers were) by an Esquire
Palmer, then the principal gentleman in that parish, he qualified himself for the
business of scrivener; became a considerable man in the county; was a chief
mover of all public-spirited undertakings for the county or town of
Northampton, and his own village, of which many instances were related of him;
and much taken notice of and patronized by the then Lord Halifax. He died in 17O2, January 6, old style, just
four years to a day before I was born.
The account we received of his life and character from some old people
at Ecton, I remember, struck you as something extraordinary, from its
similarity to what you knew of mine.
"Had he died on the same day," you said, "one
might have supposed a transmigration."
John was bred a dyer, I believe of woolens. Benjamin was bred a silk dyer, serving an
apprenticeship at
<2> Here follow in the margin the words, in brackets,
"here insert it," but the poetry is not given. Mr. Sparks informs us
(Life of Franklin, p. 6) that these volumes had been preserved, and were in
possession of Mrs. Emmons, of
This obscure family of ours was early in the Reformation,
and continued Protestants through the reign of Queen Mary, when they were
sometimes in danger of trouble on account of their zeal against popery. They had got an English Bible, and to conceal
and secure it, it was fastened open with tapes under and within the cover of a
joint-stool. When my great-great-grandfather read it to his family, he turned
up the joint-stool upon his knees, turning over the leaves then under the
tapes. One of the children stood at the
door to give notice if he saw the apparitor coming, who was an officer of the spiritual
court. In that case the stool was turned
down again upon its feet, when the Bible remained concealed under it as
before. This anecdote I had from my
uncle Benjamin. The family continued all
of the Church of England till about the end of Charles the Second's reign, when
some of the ministers that had been outed for nonconformity holding
conventicles in Northamptonshire, Benjamin and Josiah adhered to them, and so
continued all their lives: the rest of
the family remained with the Episcopal Church.
Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his wife with
three children into
"Because to be a libeller (says he)
I hate it with my heart;
From Sherburne town, where now I dwell
My name I do put here;
Without offense your real friend
It is Peter Folgier."
My elder brothers were all put apprentices to different
trades. I was put to the grammar-school
at eight years of age, my father intending to devote me, as the tithe of his
sons, to the service of the Church. My
early readiness in learning to read (which must have been very early, as I do
not remember when I could not read), and the opinion of all his friends, that I
should certainly make a good scholar, encouraged him in this purpose of
his. My uncle Benjamin, too, approved of
it, and proposed to give me all his short-hand volumes of sermons, I suppose as
a stock to set up with, if I would learn his character. I continued, however, at the grammar-school
not quite one year, though in that time I had risen gradually from the middle
of the class of that year to be the head of it, and farther was removed into
the next class above it, in order to go with that into the third at the end of
the year. But my father, in the
meantime, from a view of the expense of a college education, which having so
large a family he could not well afford, and the mean living many so educated
were afterwards able to obtain--reasons that be gave to his friends in my
hearing--altered his first intention, took me from the grammar-school, and sent
me to a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then famous man, Mr.
George Brownell, very successful in his profession generally, and that by mild,
encouraging methods. Under him I
acquired fair writing pretty soon, but I failed in the arithmetic, and made no
progress in it. At ten years old I was
taken home to assist my father in his business, which was that of a
tallow-chandler and sope-boiler; a business he was not bred to, but had assumed
on his arrival in New England, and on finding his dying trade would not
maintain his family, being in little request.
Accordingly, I was employed in cutting wick for the candles, filling the
dipping mold and the molds for cast candles, attending the shop, going of
errands, etc.
I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for the
sea, but my father declared against it; however, living near the water, I was
much in and about it, learnt early to swim well, and to manage boats; and when
in a boat or canoe with other boys, I was commonly allowed to govern,
especially in any case of difficulty; and upon other occasions I was generally
a leader among the boys, and sometimes led them into scrapes, of which I will
mention one instance, as it shows an early projecting public spirit, tho' not then
justly conducted.
There was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the mill-pond,
on the edge of which, at high water, we used to stand to fish for minnows. By much trampling, we had made it a mere
quagmire. My proposal was to build a
wharff there fit for us to stand upon, and I showed my comrades a large heap of
stones, which were intended for a new house near the marsh, and which would
very well suit our purpose. Accordingly,
in the evening, when the workmen were gone, I assembled a number of my play-fellows,
and working with them diligently like so many emmets, sometimes two or three to
a stone, we brought them all away and built our little wharff. The next morning the workmen were surprised
at missing the stones, which were found in our wharff. Inquiry was made after the removers; we were
discovered and complained of; several of us were corrected by our fathers; and
though I pleaded the usefulness of the work, mine convinced me that nothing was
useful which was not honest.
I think you may like to know something of his person and
character. He had an excellent
constitution of body, was of middle stature, but well set, and very strong; he
was ingenious, could draw prettily, was skilled a little in music, and had a
clear pleasing voice, so that when he played psalm tunes on his violin and sung
withal, as he sometimesdid in an evening after the business of the day was
over, it was extremely agreeable to hear.
He had a mechanical genius too, and, on occasion, was very handy in the
use of other tradesmen's tools; but his great excellence lay in a sound
understanding and solid judgment in prudential matters, both in private and
publick affairs. In the latter, indeed,
he was never employed, the numerous family he had to educate and the straitness
of his circumstances keeping him close to his trade; but I remember well his
being frequently visited by leading people, who consulted him for his opinion
in affairs of the town or of the church he belonged to, and showed a good deal
of respect for his judgment and advice:
he was also much consulted by private persons about their affairs when
any difficulty occurred, and frequently chosen an arbitrator between contending
parties.
At his table he liked to have, as often as he could, some
sensible friend or neighbor to converse with, and always took care to start
some ingenious or useful topic for discourse, which might tend to improve the
minds of his children. By this means he
turned our attention to what was good, just, and prudent in the conduct of
life; and little or no notice was ever taken of what related to the victuals on
the table, whether it was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, of good or
bad flavor, preferable or inferior to this or that other thing of the kind, so
that I was bro't up in such a perfect inattention to those matters as to be
quite indifferent what kind of food was set before me, and so unobservant of
it, that to this day if I am asked I can scarce tell a few hours after dinner
what I dined upon. This has been a
convenience to me in travelling, where my companions have been sometimes very
unhappy for want of a suitable gratification of their more delicate, because
better instructed, tastes and appetites.
My mother had likewise an excellent constitution: she suckled all her ten children. I never knew either my father or mother to
have any sickness but that of which they dy'd, he at 89, and she at 85 years of
age. They lie buried together at
JOSIAH FRANKLIN, and ABIAH his Wife, lie here interred. They
lived lovingly together in wedlock fifty-five years. Without an estate, or any
gainful employment, By constant labor and industry, with God's blessing, They
maintained a large family comfortably, and brought up thirteen children and
seven grandchildren reputably. From this instance, reader, Be
encouraged to diligence in thy calling, And distrust not
By my rambling
digressions I perceive myself to be grown old.
I us'd to write more methodically.
But one does not dress for private company as for a publick ball. 'Tis perhaps only negligence.
To return: I
continued thus employed in my father's business for two years, that is, till I
was twelve years old; and my brother John, who was bred to that business,
having left my father, married, and set up for himself at Rhode Island, there
was all appearance that I was destined to supply his place, and become a
tallow-chandler. But my dislike to the trade continuing, my father was under
apprehensions that if he did not find one for me more agreeable, I should break
away and get to sea, as his son Josiah had done, to his great vexation. He therefore sometimes took me to walk with
him, and see joiners, bricklayers, turners, braziers, etc., at their work, that
he might observe my inclination, and endeavor to fix it on some trade or other
on land. It has ever since been a
pleasure to me to see good workmen handle their tools; and it has been useful
to me, having learnt so much by it as to be able to do little jobs myself in my
house when a workman could not readily be got, and to construct little machines
for my experiments, while the intention of making the experiment was fresh and
warm in my mind. My father at last fixed
upon the cutler's trade, and my uncle Benjamin's son Samuel, who was bred to
that business in
From a child I was fond of reading, and all the little money
that came into my hands was ever laid out in books. Pleased with the Pilgrim's Progress, my first
collection was of John Bunyan's works in separate little volumes. I afterward sold them to enable me to buy R.
Burton's Historical Collections; they were small chapmen's books, and cheap, 40
or 50 in all. My father's little library
consisted chiefly of books in polemic divinity, most of which I read, and have
since often regretted that, at a time when I had such a thirst for knowledge,
more proper books had not fallen in my way since it was now resolved I should
not be a clergyman. Plutarch's Lives
there was in which I read abundantly, and I still think that time spent to
great advantage. There was also a book
of De Foe's, called an Essay on Projects, and another of Dr. Mather's, called
Essays to do Good, which perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that had an
influence on some of the principal future events of my life.
This bookish inclination at length determined my father to
make me a printer, though he had already one son (James) of that
profession. In 1717 my brother James
returned from
And after some time an ingenious tradesman, Mr. Matthew
Adams, who had a pretty collection of books, and who frequented our
printing-house, took notice of me, invited me to his library, and very kindly
lent me such books as I chose to read. I
now took a fancy to poetry, and made some little pieces; my brother, thinking
it might turn to account, encouraged me, and put me on composing occasional
ballads. One was called The Lighthouse
Tragedy, and contained an account of the drowning of Captain Worthilake, with
his two daughters: the other was a
sailor's song, on the taking of Teach (or Blackbeard) the pirate. They were wretched stuff, in the
Grub-street-ballad style; and when they were printed he sent me about the town
to sell them. The first sold
wonderfully, the event being recent, having made a great noise. This flattered my vanity; but my father
discouraged me by ridiculing my performances, and telling me verse-makers were
generally beggars. So I escaped being a
poet, most probably a very bad one; but as prose writing bad been of great use
to me in the course of my life, and was a principal means of my advancement, I
shall tell you how, in such a situation, I acquired what little ability I have
in that way.
There was another bookish lad in the town, John Collins by
name, with whom I was intimately acquainted.
We sometimes disputed, and very fond we were of argument, and very
desirous of confuting one another, which disputatious turn, by the way, is apt
to become a very bad habit, making people often extremely disagreeable in
company by the contradiction that is necessary to bring it into practice; and
thence, besides souring and spoiling the conversation, is productive of
disgusts and, perhaps enmities where you may have occasion for friendship. I had caught it by reading my father's books
of dispute about religion. Persons of
good sense, I have since observed, seldom fall into it, except lawyers,
university men, and men of all sorts that have been bred at Edinborough.
A question was once, somehow or other, started between
Collins and me, of the propriety of educating the female sex in learning, and
their abilities for study. He was of
opinion that it was improper, and that they were naturally unequal to it. I took the contrary side, perhaps a little
for dispute's sake. He was naturally
more eloquent, had a ready plenty of words; and sometimes, as I thought, bore
me down more by his fluency than by the strength of his reasons. As we parted without settling the point, and
were not to see one another again for some time, I sat down to put my arguments
in writing, which I copied fair and sent to him. He answered, and I replied. Three or four letters of a side had passed,
when my father happened to find my papers and read them. Without entering into the discussion, he took
occasion to talk to me about the manner of my writing; observed that, though I
had the advantage of my antagonist in correct spelling and pointing (which I
ow'd to the printing-house), I fell far short in elegance of expression, in
method and in perspicuity, of which he convinced me by several instances. I saw the justice of his remark, and thence
grew more attentive to the manner in writing, and determined to endeavor at
improvement.
About this time I met with an odd volume of the
Spectator. It was the third. I had never before seen any of them. I bought it, read it over and over, and was
much delighted with it. I thought the
writing excellent, and wished, if possible, to imitate it. With this view I took some of the papers,
and, making short hints of the sentiment in each sentence, laid them by a few
days, and then, without looking at the book, try'd to compleat the papers
again, by expressing each hinted sentiment at length, and as fully as it had
been expressed before, in any suitable words that should come to hand. Then I compared my Spectator with the
original, discovered some of my faults, and corrected them. But I found I wanted a stock of words, or a
readiness in recollecting and using them, which I thought I should have
acquired before that time if I had gone on making verses; since the continual
occasion for words of the same import, but of different length, to suit the measure,
or of different sound for the rhyme, would have laid me under a constant
necessity of searching for variety, and also have tended to fix that variety in
my mind, and make me master of it.
Therefore I took some of the tales and turned them into verse; and,
after a time, when I had pretty well forgotten the prose, turned them back
again. I also sometimes jumbled my
collections of hints into confusion, and after some weeks endeavored to reduce
them into the best order, before I began to form the full sentences and
compleat the paper. This was to teach me
method in the arrangement of thoughts.
By comparing my work afterwards with the original, I discovered many
faults and amended them; but I sometimes had the pleasure of fancying that, in
certain particulars of small import, I had been lucky enough to improve the
method or the language, and this encouraged me to think I might possibly in
time come to be a tolerable English writer, of which I was extremely
ambitious. My time for these exercises
and for reading was at night, after work or before it began in the morning, or
on Sundays, when I contrived to be in the printing-house alone, evading as much
as I could the common attendance on public worship which my father used to
exact on me when I was under his care, and which indeed I still thought a duty,
though I could not, as it seemed to me, afford time to practise it.
When about 16 years of age I happened to meet with a book,
written by one Tryon, recommending a vegetable diet. I determined to go into it. My brother, being yet unmarried, did not keep
house, but boarded himself and his apprentices in another family. My refusing to eat flesh occasioned an
inconveniency, and I was frequently chid for my singularity. I made myself acquainted with Tryon's manner
of preparing some of his dishes, such as boiling potatoes or rice, making hasty
pudding, and a few others, and then proposed to my brother, that if he would
give me, weekly, half the money he paid for my board, I would board myself. He instantly agreed to it, and I presently
found that I could save half what he paid me.
This was an additional fund for buying books. But I had another advantage in it. My brother and the rest going from the
printing-house to their meals, I remained there alone, and, despatching
presently my light repast, which often was no more than a bisket or a slice of
bread, a handful of raisins or a tart from the pastry-cook's, and a glass of
water, had the rest of the time till their return for study, in which I made
the greater progress, from that greater clearness of head and quicker
apprehension which usually attend temperance in eating and drinking.
And now it was that, being on some occasion made asham'd of
my ignorance in figures, which I had twice failed in learning when at school, I
took Cocker's book of Arithmetick, and went through the whole by myself with
great ease. I also read Seller's and
Shermy's books of Navigation, and became acquainted with the little geometry
they contain; but never proceeded far in that science. And I read about this time Locke On Human
Understanding, and the Art of Thinking, by Messrs. du
While I was intent on improving my language, I met with an
English grammar (I think it was Greenwood's), at the end of which there were
two little sketches of the arts of rhetoric and logic, the latter finishing
with a specimen of a dispute in the Socratic method; and soon after I procur'd
Xenophon's Memorable Things of Socrates, wherein there are many instances of
the same method. I was charm'd with it,
adopted it, dropt my abrupt contradiction and positive argumentation, and put
on the humble inquirer and doubter. And
being then, from reading Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real doubter in many
points of our religious doctrine, I found this method safest for myself and
very embarrassing to those against whom I used it; therefore I took a delight
in it, practis'd it continually, and grew very artful and expert in drawing
people, even of superior knowledge, into concessions, the consequences of which
they did not foresee, entangling them in difficulties out of which they could
not extricate themselves, and so obtaining victories that neither myself nor my
cause always deserved. I continu'd this
method some few years, but gradually left it, retaining only the habit of
expressing myself in terms of modest diffidence; never using, when I advanced
any thing that may possibly be disputed, the words certainly, undoubtedly, or
any others that give the air of positiveness to an opinion; but rather say, I
conceive or apprehend a thing to be so and so; it appears to me, or I should
think it so or so, for such and such reasons; or I imagine it to be so; or it
is so, if I am not mistaken. This habit,
I believe, has been of great advantage to me when I have had occasion to
inculcate my opinions, and persuade men into measures that I have been from
time to time engag'd in promoting; and, as the chief ends of conversation are
to inform or to be informed, to please or to persuade, I wish well-meaning,
sensible men would not lessen their power of doing good by a positive, assuming
manner, that seldom fails to disgust, tends to create opposition, and to defeat
every one of those purposes for which speech was given to us, to wit, giving or
receiving information or pleasure. For,
if you would inform, a positive and dogmatical manner in advancing your
sentiments may provoke contradiction and prevent a candid attention. If you wish information and improvement from
the knowledge of others, and yet at the same time express yourself as firmly
fix'd in your present opinions, modest, sensible men, who do not love
disputation, will probably leave you undisturbed in the possession of your
error. And by such a manner, you can
seldom hope to recommend yourself in pleasing your hearers, or to persuade
those whose concurrence you desire. Pope
says, judiciously:
"Men should be taught as if you taught them not,
And things unknown propos'd as things forgot;"
farther recommending to us
"To speak,
tho' sure, with seeming diffidence."
And he might have coupled with this line that which he has
coupled with another, I think, less properly,
"For
want of modesty is want of sense."
If you ask, Why less properly? I must repeat the lines,
"Immodest words admit of no defense,
For want of modesty is want of sense."
Now, is not want of sense (where a man is so unfortunate as
to want it) some apology for his want of modesty? and would not the lines stand
more justly thus?
"Immodest words admit but this defense,
That want
of modesty is want of sense."
This, however, I should submit to better judgments.
My brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a
newspaper. It was the second that
appeared in
He had some ingenious men among his friends, who amus'd
themselves by writing little pieces for this paper, which gain'd it credit and
made it more in demand, and these gentlemen often visited us. Hearing their conversations, and their
accounts of the approbation their papers were received with, I was excited to
try my hand among them; but, being still a boy, and suspecting that my brother
would object to printing anything of mine in his paper if he knew it to be
mine, I contrived to disguise my hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, I put
it in at night under the door of the printing-house. It was found in the
morning, and communicated to his writing friends when they call'd in as
usual. They read it, commented on it in
my hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure of finding it met with their
approbation, and that, in their different guesses at the author, none were
named but men of some character among us for learning and ingenuity. I suppose now that I was rather lucky in my
judges, and that perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I then
esteem'd them.
Encourag'd, however, by this, I wrote and convey'd in the
same way to the press several more papers which were equally approv'd; and I
kept my secret till my small fund of sense for such performances was pretty
well exhausted and then I discovered it, when I began to be considered a little
more by my brother's acquaintance, and in a manner that did not quite please
him, as he thought, probably with reason, that it tended to make me too vain. And, perhaps, this might be one occasion of
the differences that we began to have about this time. Though a brother, he considered himself as my
master, and me as his apprentice, and accordingly, expected the same services
from me as he would from another, while I thought he demean'd me too much in
some he requir'd of me, who from a brother expected more indulgence. Our disputes were often brought before our
father, and I fancy I was either generally in the right, or else a better
pleader, because the judgment was generally in my favor. But my brother was passionate, and had often
beaten me, which I took extreamly amiss; and, thinking my apprenticeship very
tedious, I was continually wishing for some opportunity of shortening it, which
at length offered in a manner unexpected.<3>
<3> I fancy his harsh and tyrannical treatment of me
might be a means of impressing me with that aversion to arbitrary power that
has stuck to me through my whole life.
One of the pieces in our newspaper on some political point,
which I have now forgotten, gave offense to the Assembly. He was taken up, censur'd, and imprison'd for
a month, by the speaker's warrant, I suppose, because he would not discover his
author. I too was taken up and examin'd
before the council; but, tho' I did not give them any satisfaction, they
content'd themselves with admonishing me, and dismissed me, considering me,
perhaps, as an apprentice, who was bound to keep his master's secrets.
During my brother's confinement, which I resented a good
deal, notwithstanding our private differences, I had the management of the
paper; and I made bold to give our rulers some rubs in it, which my brother
took very kindly, while others began to consider me in an unfavorable light, as
a young genius that had a turn for libelling and satyr. My brother's discharge was accompany'd with
an order of the House (a very odd one), that "James Franklin should no
longer print the paper called the New England Courant."
There was a consultation held in our printing-house among
his friends, what he should do in this case.
Some proposed to evade the order by changing the name of the paper; but
my brother, seeing inconveniences in that, it was finally concluded on as a
better way, to let it be printed for the future under the name of BENJAMIN
FRANKLIN; and to avoid the censure of the Assembly, that might fall on him as
still printing it by his apprentice, the contrivance was that my old indenture
should be return'd to me, with a full discharge on the back of it, to be shown
on occasion, but to secure to him the benefit of my service, I was to sign new
indentures for the remainder of the term, which were to be kept private. A very flimsy scheme it was; however, it was
immediately executed, and the paper went on accordingly, under my name for
several months.
At length, a fresh difference arising between my brother and
me, I took upon me to assert my freedom, presuming that he would not venture to
produce the new indentures. It was not
fair in me to take this advantage, and this I therefore reckon one of the first
errata of my life; but the unfairness of it weighed little with me, when under
the impressions of resentment for the blows his passion too often urged him to
bestow upon me, though he was otherwise not an ill-natur'd man: perhaps I was too saucy and provoking.
When he found I would leave him, he took care to prevent my
getting employment in any other printing-house of the town, by going round and
speaking to every master, who accordingly refus'd to give me work. I then thought of going to New York, as the
nearest place where there was a printer; and I was rather inclin'd to leave
Boston when I reflected that I had already made myself a little obnoxious to
the governing party, and, from the arbitrary proceedings of the Assembly in my
brother's case, it was likely I might, if I stay'd, soon bring myself into
scrapes; and farther, that my indiscrete disputations about religion began to
make me pointed at with horror by good people as an infidel or atheist. I determin'd on the point, but my father now
siding with my brother, I was sensible that, if I attempted to go openly, means
would be used to prevent me. My friend
Collins, therefore, undertook to manage a little for me. He agreed with the captain of a
My inclinations for the sea were by this time worne out, or
I might now have gratify'd them. But,
having a trade, and supposing myself a pretty good workman, I offer'd my
service to the printer in the place, old Mr. William Bradford, who had been the
first printer in Pennsylvania, but removed from thence upon the quarrel of
George Keith. He could give me no
employment, having little to do, and help enough already; but says he, "My
son at Philadelphia has lately lost his principal hand, Aquila Rose, by death;
if you go thither, I believe he may employ you."
In crossing the bay, we met with a squall that tore our
rotten sails to pieces, prevented our getting into the Kill and drove us upon
When we drew near the island, we found it was at a place
where there could be no landing, there being a great surff on the stony
beach. So we dropt anchor, and swung
round towards the shore. Some people
came down to the water edge and hallow'd to us, as we did to them; but the wind
was so high, and the surff so loud, that we could not hear so as to understand
each other. There were canoes on the
shore, and we made signs, and hallow'd that they should fetch us; but they
either did not understand us, or thought it impracticable, so they went away,
and night coming on, we had no remedy but to wait till the wind should abate;
and, in the meantime, the boatman and I concluded to sleep, if we could; and so
crowded into the scuttle, with the Dutchman, who was still wet, and the spray
beating over the head of our boat, leak'd thro' to us, so that we were soon
almost as wet as he. In this manner we
lay all night, with very little rest; but, the wind abating the next day, we
made a shift to reach Amboy before night, having been thirty hours on the
water, without victuals, or any drink but a bottle of filthy rum, and the water
we sail'd on being salt.
In the evening I found myself very feverish, and went in to
bed; but, having read somewhere that cold water drank plentifully was good for
a fever, I follow'd the prescription, sweat plentiful most of the night, my
fever left me, and in the morning, crossing the ferry, I proceeded on my
journey on foot, having fifty miles to Burlington, where I was told I should
find boats that would carry me the rest of the way to Philadelphia.
It rained very hard all the day; I was thoroughly soak'd,
and by
At his house I lay that night, and the next morning reach'd
Burlington, but had the mortification to find that the regular boats were gone
a little before my coming, and no other expected to go before Tuesday, this
being Saturday; wherefore I returned to an old woman in the town, of whom I had
bought gingerbread to eat on the water, and ask'd her advice. She invited me to lodge at her house till a
passage by water should offer; and being tired with my foot travelling, I
accepted the invitation. She
understanding I was a printer, would have had me stay at that town and follow
my business, being ignorant of the stock necessary to begin with. She was very hospitable, gave me a dinner of
ox-cheek with great good will, accepting only a pot of ale in return; and I
thought myself fixed till Tuesday should come.
However, walking in the evening by the side of the river, a boat came
by, which I found was going towards
I have been the more particular in this description of my
journey, and shall be so of my first entry into that city, that you may in your
mind compare such unlikely beginnings with the figure I have since made
there. I was in my working dress, my
best cloaths being to come round by sea.
I was dirty from my journey; my pockets were stuff'd out with shirts and
stockings, and I knew no soul nor where to look for lodging. I was fatigued with travelling, rowing, and
want of rest, I was very hungry; and my whole stock of cash consisted of a
Dutch dollar, and about a shilling in copper.
The latter I gave the people of the boat for my passage, who at first
refus'd it, on account of my rowing; but I insisted on their taking it. A man being sometimes more generous when he
has but a little money than when he has plenty, perhaps thro' fear of being
thought to have but little.
Then I walked up the street, gazing about till near the
market-house I met a boy with bread. I
had made many a meal on bread, and, inquiring where he got it, I went
immediately to the baker's he directed me to, in Secondstreet, and ask'd for
bisket, intending such as we had in Boston; but they, it seems, were not made
in Philadelphia. Then I asked for a three-penny
loaf, and was told they had none such.
So not considering or knowing the difference of money, and the greater
cheapness nor the names of his bread, I made him give me three-penny worth of
any sort. He gave me, accordingly, three
great puffy rolls. I was surpriz'd at
the quantity, but took it, and, having no room in my pockets, walk'd off with a
roll under each arm, and eating the other.
Thus I went up Market-street as far as Fourth-street, passing by the
door of Mr. Read, my future wife's father; when she, standing at the door, saw
me, and thought I made, as I certainly did, a most awkward, ridiculous
appearance. Then I turned and went down
Chestnut-street and part of Walnut-street, eating my roll all the way, and,
corning round, found myself again at Market-street wharf, near the boat I came
in, to which I went for a draught of the river water; and, being filled with
one of my rolls, gave the other two to a woman and her child that came down the
river in the boat with us, and were waiting to go farther.
Thus refreshed, I walked again up the street, which by this
time had many clean-dressed people in it, who were all walking the same
way. I joined them, and thereby was led
into the great meeting-house of the Quakers near the market. I sat down among them, and, after looking
round awhile and hearing nothing said, being very drowsy thro' labor and want
of rest the preceding night, I fell fast asleep, and continued so till the
meeting broke up, when one was kind enough to rouse me. This was, therefore, the first house I was
in, or slept in, in Philadelphia.
Walking down again toward the river, and, looking in the
faces of people, I met a young Quaker man, whose countenance I lik'd, and,
accosting him, requested he would tell me where a stranger could get
lodging. We were then near the sign of
the Three Mariners. "Here,"
says he, "is one place that entertains strangers, but it is not a
reputable house; if thee wilt walk with me, I'll show thee a better." He brought me to the Crooked Billet in Water-street.
Here I got a dinner; and, while I was eating it, several sly questions were
asked me, as it seemed to be suspected from my youth and appearance, that I
might be some runaway.
After dinner, my sleepiness return'd, and being shown to a bed,
I lay down without undressing, and slept till six in the evening, was call'd to
supper, went to bed again very early, and slept soundly till next morning. Then I made myself as tidy as I could, and
went to Andrew Bradford the printer's. I found in the shop the old man his
father, whom I had seen at
The old gentleman said he would go with me to the new
printer; and when we found him, "Neighbor," says Bradford, "I
have brought to see you a young man of your business; perhaps you may want such
a one." He ask'd me a few
questions, put a composing stick in my hand to see how I work'd, and then said
he would employ me soon, though he had just then nothing for me to do; and,
taking old Bradford, whom he had never seen before, to be one of the town's
people that had a good will for him, enter'd into a conversation on his present
undertaking and projects; while Bradford, not discovering that he was the other
printer's father, on Keimer's saying he expected soon to get the greatest part
of the business into his own hands, drew him on by artful questions, and
starting little doubts, to explain all his views, what interests he reli'd on,
and in what manner he intended to proceed.
I, who stood by and heard all, saw immediately that one of them was a
crafty old sophister, and the other a mere novice. Bradford left me with Keimer, who was greatly
surpris'd when I told him who the old man was.
Keimer's printing-house, I found, consisted of an old
shatter'd press, and one small, worn-out font of English which he was then
using himself, composing an Elegy on Aquila Rose, before mentioned, an
ingenious young man, of excellent character, much respected in the town, clerk
of the Assembly, and a pretty poet.
Keimer made verses too, but very indifferently. He could not be said to write them, for his
manner was to compose them in the types directly out of his head. So there being no copy, but one pair of
cases, and the Elegy likely to require all the letter, no one could help
him. I endeavor'd to put his press
(which he had not yet us'd, and of which he understood nothing) into order fit
to be work'd with; and, promising to come and print off his Elegy as soon as he
should have got it ready, I return'd to Bradford's, who gave me a little job to
do for the present, and there I lodged and dieted, A few days after, Keimer
sent for me to print off the Elegy. And
now he had got another pair of cases, and a pamphlet to reprint, on which he
set me to work.
These two printers I found poorly qualified for their
business. Bradford had not been bred to
it, and was very illiterate; and Keimer, tho' something of a scholar, was a
mere compositor, knowing nothing of presswork.
He had been one of the French prophets, and could act their enthusiastic
agitations. At this time he did not
profess any particular religion, but something of all on occasion; was very
ignorant of the world, and had, as I afterward found, a good deal of the knave
in his composition. He did not like my
lodging at Bradford's while I work'd with him.
He had a house, indeed, but without furniture, so he could not lodge me;
but he got me a lodging at Mr. Read's, before mentioned, who was the owner of
his house; and, my chest and clothes being come by this time, I made rather a
more respectable appearance in the eyes of Miss Read than I had done when she first
happen'd to see me eating my roll in the street.
I began now to have some acquaintance among the young people
of the town, that were lovers of reading, with whom I spent my evenings very
pleasantly; and gaining money by my industry and frugality, I lived very
agreeably, forgetting Boston as much as I could, and not desiring that any
there should know where I resided, except my friend Collins, who was in my
secret, and kept it when I wrote to him.
At length, an incident happened that sent me back again much sooner than
I had intended. I had a brother-in-law,
Robert Holmes, master of a sloop that traded between Boston and Delaware. He being at Newcastle, forty miles below Philadelphia,
heard there of me, and wrote me a letter mentioning the concern of my friends
in Boston at my abrupt departure, assuring me of their good will to me, and
that every thing would be accommodated to my mind if I would return, to which
he exhorted me very earnestly. I wrote
an answer to his letter, thank'd him for his advice, but stated my reasons for
quitting Boston fully and in such a light as to convince him I was not so wrong
as he had apprehended.
Sir William Keith, governor of the province, was then at
Newcastle, and Captain Holmes, happening to be in company with him when my
letter came to hand, spoke to him of me, and show'd him the letter. The governor read it, and seem'd surpris'd
when he was told my age. He said I
appear'd a young man of promising parts, and therefore should be encouraged;
the printers at Philadelphia were wretched ones; and, if I would set up there,
he made no doubt I should succeed; for his part, he would procure me the public
business, and do me every other service in his power. This my brother-in-law afterwards told me in
Boston, but I knew as yet nothing of it; when, one day, Keimer and I being at
work together near the window, we saw the governor and another gentleman (which
proved to be Colonel French, of Newcastle), finely dress'd, come directly
across the street to our house, and heard them at the door.
Keimer ran down immediately, thinking it a visit to him; but
the governor inquir'd for me, came up, and with a condescension of politeness I
had been quite unus'd to, made me many compliments, desired to be acquainted
with me, blam'd me kindly for not having made myself known to him when I first
came to the place, and would have me away with him to the tavern, where he was
going with Colonel French to taste, as he said, some excellent Madeira. I was not a little surprised, and Keimer
star'd like a pig poison'd. I went, however, with the governor and Colonel
French to a tavern, at the corner of Third-street, and over the
About the end of April, 1724, a little vessel offer'd for
The journeymen were inquisitive where I had been, what sort
of a country it was, and how I lik'd it.
I prais'd it much, the happy life I led in it, expressing strongly my
intention of returning to it; and, one of them asking what kind of money we had
there, I produc'd a handful of silver, and spread it before them, which was a
kind of raree-show they had not been us'd to, paper being the money of
Boston. Then I took an opportunity of
letting them see my watch; and, lastly (my brother still grum and sullen), I
gave them a piece of eight to drink, and took my leave. This visit of mine offended him extreamly;
for, when my mother some time after spoke to him of a reconciliation, and of
her wishes to see us on good terms together, and that we might live for the
future as brothers, he said I had insulted him in such a manner before his
people that he could never forget or forgive it. In this, however, he was mistaken.
My father received the governor's letter with some apparent
surprise, but said little of it to me for some days, when Capt. Holmes
returning he showed it to him, ask'd him if he knew Keith, and what kind of man
he was; adding his opinion that he must be of small discretion to think of
setting a boy up in business who wanted yet three years of being at man's
estate. Holmes said what he could in
favor of the project, but my father was clear in the impropriety of it, and at
last gave a flat denial to it. Then he
wrote a civil letter to Sir William, thanking him for the patronage he had so
kindly offered me, but declining to assist me as yet in setting up, I being, in
his opinion, too young to be trusted with the management of a business so
important, and for which the preparation must be so expensive.
My friend and companion Collins, who was a clerk in the
post-office, pleas'd with the account I gave him of my new country, determined
to go thither also; and, while I waited for my father's determination, he set
out before me by land to Rhode Island, leaving his books, which were a pretty
collection of mathematicks and natural philosophy, to come with mine and me to
New York, where he propos'd to wait for me.
My father, tho' he did not approve Sir William's
proposition, was yet pleas'd that I had been able to obtain so advantageous a
character from a person of such note where I had resided, and that I had been
so industrious and careful as to equip myself so handsomely in so short a time;
therefore, seeing no prospect of an accommodation between my brother and me, he
gave his consent to my returning again to Philadelphia, advis'd me to behave
respectfully to the people there, endeavor to obtain the general esteem, and
avoid lampooning and libeling, to which he thought I had too much inclination;
telling me, that by steady industry and a prudent parsimony I might save enough
by the time I was one-and-twenty to set me up; and that, if I came near the
matter, he would help me out with the rest.
This was all I could obtain, except some small gifts as tokens of his
and my mother's love, when I embark'd again for
The sloop putting in at
At
At
The then governor of New York, Burnet (son of Bishop Burnet),
hearing from the captain that a young man, one of his passengers, had a great
many books, desir'd he would bring me to see him. I waited upon him accordingly, and should
have taken Collins with me but that he was not sober. The gov'r. treated me with great civility,
show'd me his library, which was a very large one, and we had a good deal of
conversation about books and authors.
This was the second governor who had done me the honor to take notice of
me; which, to a poor boy like me, was very pleasing.
We proceeded to
His drinking continu'd, about which we sometimes
quarrell'd;, for, when a little intoxicated, he was very fractious. Once, in a boat on the
The breaking into this money of Vernon's was one of the
first great errata of my life; and this affair show'd that my father was not
much out in his judgment when he suppos'd me too young to manage business of
importance. But Sir William, on reading
his letter, said he was too prudent.
There was great difference in persons; and discretion did not always
accompany years, nor was youth always without it. "And since he will not set you up,"
says he, "I will do it myself. Give
me an inventory of the things necessary to be had from
I presented him an inventory of a little print'g-house,
amounting by my computation to about one hundred pounds sterling. He lik'd it, but ask'd me if my being on the
spot in
I believe I have omitted mentioning that, in my first voyage
from
Keimer and I liv'd on a pretty good familiar footing, and
agreed tolerably well, for he suspected nothing of my setting up. He retained a great deal of his old
enthusiasms and lov'd argumentation. We
therefore had many disputations. I used
to work him so with my Socratic method, and had trepann'd him so often by
questions apparently so distant from any point we had in hand, and yet by
degrees lead to the point, and brought him into difficulties and
contradictions, that at last he grew ridiculously cautious, and would hardly
answer me the most common question, without asking first, "What do you
intend to infer from that?"
However, it gave him so high an opinion of my abilities in the confuting
way, that he seriously proposed my being his colleague in a project he had of
setting up a new sect. He was to preach
the doctrines, and I was to confound all opponents. When he came to explain with me upon the
doctrines, I found several conundrums which I objected to, unless I might have
my way a little too, and introduce some of mine.
Keimer wore his beard at full length, because somewhere in
the Mosaic law it is said, "Thou shalt not mar the corners of thy
beard." He likewise kept the
Seventh day, Sabbath; and these two points were essentials with him. I dislik'd both; but agreed to admit them
upon condition of his adopting the doctrine of using no animal food. "I doubt," said he, "my
constitution will not bear that." I
assur'd him it would, and that he would be the better for it. He was usually a great glutton, and I
promised myself some diversion in half starving him. He agreed to try the practice, if I would
keep him company. I did so, and we held
it for three months. We had our victuals
dress'd, and brought to us regularly by a woman in the neighborhood, who had
from me a list of forty dishes to be prepar'd for us at different times, in all
which there was neither fish, flesh, nor fowl, and the whim suited me the
better at this time from the cheapness of it, not costing us above
eighteenpence sterling each per week. I
have since kept several Lents most strictly, leaving the common diet for that,
and that for the common, abruptly, without the least inconvenience, so that I
think there is little in the advice of making those changes by easy
gradations. I went on pleasantly, but
poor Keimer suffered grievously, tired of the project, long'd for the
flesh-pots of
I had made some courtship during this time to Miss
Read. I had a great respect and affection
for her, and had some reason to believe she had the same for me; but, as I was
about to take a long voyage, and we were both very young, only a little above
eighteen, it was thought most prudent by her mother to prevent our going too
far at present, as a marriage, if it was to take place, would be more
convenient after my return, when I should be, as I expected, set up in my
business. Perhaps, too, she thought my
expectations not so well founded as I imagined them to be.
My chief acquaintances at this time were Charles Osborne,
Joseph Watson, and James Ralph, all lovers of reading. The two first were clerks to an eminent
scrivener or conveyancer in the town, Charles Brogden; the other was clerk to a
merchant. Watson was a pious, sensible
young man, of great integrity; the others rather more lax in their principles
of religion, particularly Ralph, who, as well as Collins, had been unsettled by
me, for which they both made me suffer.
Osborne was sensible, candid, frank; sincere and affectionate to his friends;
but, in literary matters, too fond of criticising. Ralph was ingenious, genteel in his manners,
and extremely eloquent; I think I never knew a prettier talker. Both of them great admirers of poetry, and
began to try their hands in little pieces. Many pleasant walks we four had together on
Sundays into the woods, near
Ralph was inclin'd to pursue the study of poetry, not
doubting but he might become eminent in it, and make his fortune by it,
alleging that the best poets must, when they first began to write, make as many
faults as he did. Osborne dissuaded him,
assur'd him he had no genius for poetry, and advis'd him to think of nothing
beyond the business he was bred to; that, in the mercantile way, tho' he had no
stock, he might, by his diligence and punctuality, recommend himself to
employment as a factor, and in time acquire wherewith to trade on his own
account. I approv'd the amusing one's
self with poetry now and then, so far as to improve one's language, but no
farther.
On this it was propos'd that we should each of us, at our
next meeting, produce a piece of our own composing, in order to improve by our
mutual observations, criticisms, and corrections. As language and expression were what we had
in view, we excluded all considerations of invention by agreeing that the task
should be a version of the eighteenth Psalm, which describes the descent of a
Deity. When the time of our meeting drew
nigh, Ralph called on me first, and let me know his piece was ready. I told him I had been busy, and, having
little inclination, had done nothing. He
then show'd me his piece for my opinion, and I much approv'd it, as it appear'd
to me to have great merit.
"Now," says he, "Osborne never will allow the least merit
in any thing of mine, but makes 1000 criticisms out of mere envy. He is not so jealous of you; I wish,
therefore, you would take this piece, and produce it as yours; I will pretend
not to have had time, and so produce nothing.
We shall then see what he will say to it." It was agreed, and I immediately transcrib'd
it, that it might appear in my own hand.
We met; Watson's performance was read; there were some
beauties in it, but many defects.
Osborne's was read; it was much better; Ralph did it justice; remarked
some faults, but applauded the beauties.
He himself had nothing to produce.
I was backward; seemed desirous of being excused; had not had sufficient
time to correct, etc.; but no excuse could be admitted; produce I must. It was read and repeated; Watson and Osborne
gave up the contest, and join'd in applauding it. Ralph only made some criticisms, and propos'd
some amendments; but I defended my text.
Osborne was against Ralph, and told him he was no better a critic than
poet, so he dropt the argument. As they
two went home together, Osborne expressed himself still more strongly in favor
of what he thought my production; having restrain'd himself before, as he said,
lest I should think it flattery.
"But who would have imagin'd," said he, "that
This transaction fixed Ralph in his resolution of becoming a
poet. I did all I could to dissuade him
from it, but he continued scribbling verses till Pope cured him. He became, however, a pretty good prose
writer. More of him hereafter. But, as I may not have occasion again to
mention the other two, I shall just remark here, that Watson died in my arms a
few years after, much lamented, being the best of our set. Osborne went to the
The governor, seeming to like my company, had me frequently
to his house, and his setting me up was always mention'd as a fixed thing. I was to take with me letters recommendatory
to a number of his friends, besides the letter of credit to furnish me with the
necessary money for purchasing the press and types, paper, etc. For these letters I was appointed to call at
different times, when they were to be ready, but a future time was still
named. Thus he went on till the ship,
whose departure too had been several times postponed, was on the point of
sailing. Then, when I call'd to take my
leave and receive the letters, his secretary, Dr. Bard, came out to me and said
the governor was extremely busy in writing, but would be down at
Ralph, though married, and having one child, had determined
to accompany me in this voyage. It was
thought he intended to establish a correspondence, and obtain goods to sell on
commission; but I found afterwards, that, thro' some discontent with his wife's
relations, he purposed to leave her on their hands, and never return
again. Having taken leave of my friends,
and interchang'd some promises with Miss Read, I left
Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a famous lawyer of
Understanding that Colonel French had brought on board the
governor's despatches, I ask'd the captain for those letters that were to be
under my care. He said all were put into
the bag together and he could not then come at them; but, before we landed in
When we came into the Channel, the captain kept his word
with me, and gave me an opportunity of examining the bag for the governor's
letters. I found none upon which my name
was put as under my care. I picked out
six or seven, that, by the handwriting, I thought might be the promised
letters, especially as one of them was directed to Basket, the king's printer,
and another to some stationer. We
arriv'd in
We both of us happen'd to know, as well as the stationer,
that Riddlesden, the attorney, was a very knave. He had half ruin'd Miss Read's father by
persuading him to be bound for him. By
this letter it appear'd there was a secret scheme on foot to the prejudice of
Hamilton (suppos'd to be then coming over with us); and that Keith was
concerned in it with Riddlesden. Denham,
who was a friend of Hamilton's thought he ought to be acquainted with it; so,
when he arriv'd in England, which was soon after, partly from resentment and
ill-will to Keith and Riddlesden, and partly from good-will to him, I waited on
him, and gave him the letter. He thank'd
me cordially, the information being of importance to him; and from that time he
became my friend, greatly to my advantage afterwards on many occasions.
But what shall we think of a governor's playing such pitiful
tricks, and imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant boy! It was a habit he had acquired. He wish'd to please everybody; and, having
little to give, he gave expectations. He
was otherwise an ingenious, sensible man, a pretty good writer, and a good
governor for the people, tho' not for his constituents, the proprietaries,
whose instructions he sometimes disregarded.
Several of our best laws were of his planning and passed during his
administration.
Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We took lodgings together in Little Britain
at three shillings and sixpence a week-- as much as we could then afford. He found some relations, but they were poor,
and unable to assist him. He now let me
know his intentions of remaining in London, and that he never meant to return
to Philadelphia. He had brought no money
with him, the whole he could muster having been expended in paying his
passage. I had fifteen pistoles; so he
borrowed occasionally of me to subsist, while he was looking out for business. He first endeavored to get into the
playhouse, believing himself qualify'd for an actor; but Wilkes, to whom he
apply'd, advis'd him candidly not to think of that employment, as it was
impossible be should succeed in it. Then
he propos'd to Roberts, a publisher in Paternoster Row, to write for him a
weekly paper like the Spectator, on certain conditions, which Roberts did not
approve. Then he endeavored to get
employment as a hackney writer, to copy for the stationers and lawyers about
the Temple, but could find no vacancy.
I immediately got into work at Palmer's, then a famous
printing-house in Bartholomew Close, and here I continu'd near a year. I was pretty diligent, but spent with Ralph a
good deal of my earnings in going to plays and other places of amusement. We had together consumed all my pistoles, and
now just rubbed on from hand to mouth.
He seem'd quite to forget his wife and child, and I, by degrees, my
engagements with Miss Read, to whom I never wrote more than one letter, and
that was to let her know I was not likely soon to return. This was another of the great errata of my
life, which I should wish to correct if I were to live it over again. In fact, by our expenses, I was constantly
kept unable to pay my passage.
At Palmer's I was employed in composing for the second
edition of Wollaston's "Religion of Nature." Some of his reasonings not appearing to me
well founded, I wrote a little metaphysical piece in which I made remarks on
them. It was entitled "A Dissertation
on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain." I inscribed it to my friend Ralph; I printed
a small number. It occasion'd my being
more consider'd by Mr. Palmer as a young man of some ingenuity, tho' he
seriously expostulated with me upon the principles of my pamphlet, which to him
appear'd abominable. My printing this
pamphlet was another erratum. While I
lodg'd in Little Britain, I made an acquaintance with one Wilcox, a bookseller,
whose shop was at the next door. He had
an immense collection of second-hand books.
Circulating libraries were not then in use; but we agreed that, on
certain reasonable terms, which I have now forgotten, I might take, read, and
return any of his books. This I esteem'd
a great advantage, and I made as much use of it as I could.
My pamphlet by some means falling into the hands of one
Lyons, a surgeon, author of a book entitled "The Infallibility of Human
Judgment," it occasioned an acquaintance between us. He took great notice of me, called on me
often to converse on those subjects, carried me to the Horns, a pale alehouse
in ---- Lane, Cheapside, and introduced me to Dr. Mandeville, author of the
"Fable of the Bees," who had a club there, of which he was the soul,
being a most facetious, entertaining companion.
Lyons, too, introduced me to Dr. Pemberton, at Batson's Coffee-house,
who promis'd to give me an opportunity, some time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac
Newton, of which I was extreamely desirous; but this never happened.
I had brought over a few curiosities, among which the
principal was a purse made of the asbestos, which purifies by fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard of it, came to see me,
and invited me to his house in Bloomsbury Square, where he show'd me all his
curiosities, and persuaded me to let him add that to the number, for which he
paid me handsomely.
In our house there lodg'd a young woman, a milliner, who, I
think, had a shop in the Cloisters. She
had been genteelly bred, was sensible and lively, and of most pleasing
conversation. Ralph read plays to her in
the evenings, they grew intimate, she took another lodging, and he followed her. They liv'd together some time; but, he being
still out of business, and her income not sufficient to maintain them with her
child, he took a resolution of going from London, to try for a country school,
which he thought himself well qualified to undertake, as he wrote an excellent
hand, and was a master of arithmetic and accounts. This, however, he deemed a business below
him, and confident of future better fortune, when he should be unwilling to
have it known that he once was so meanly employed, he changed his name, and did
me the honor to assume mine; for I soon after had a letter from him,
acquainting me that he was settled in a small village (in Berkshire, I think it
was, where he taught reading and writing to ten or a dozen boys, at sixpence
each per week), recommending Mrs. T---- to my care, and desiring me to write to
him, directing for Mr. Franklin, schoolmaster, at such a place.
He continued to write frequently, sending me large specimens
of an epic poem which he was then composing, and desiring my remarks and
corrections. These I gave him from time
to time, but endeavor'd rather to discourage his proceeding. One of Young's Satires was then just
published. I copy'd and sent him a great
part of it, which set in a strong light the folly of pursuing the Muses with
any hope of advancement by them. All was
in vain; sheets of the poem continued to come by every post. In the mean time, Mrs. T----, having on his
account lost her friends and business, was often in distresses, and us'd to
send for me, and borrow what I could spare to help her out of them. I grew fond of her company, and, being at
that time under no religious restraint, and presuming upon my importance to
her, I attempted familiarities (another erratum) which she repuls'd with a
proper resentment, and acquainted him with my behaviour. This made a breach between us; and, when he
returned again to London, he let me know he thought I had cancell'd all the
obligations he had been under to me. So
I found I was never to expect his repaying me what I lent to him, or advanc'd
for him. This, however, was not then of
much consequence, as he was totally unable; and in the loss of his friendship I
found myself relieved from a burthen. I
now began to think of getting a little money beforehand, and, expecting better
work, I left Palmer's to work at Watts's, near Lincoln's Inn Fields, a still
greater printing-house. Here I continued all the rest of my stay in London.
At my first admission into this printing-house I took to working
at press, imagining I felt a want of the bodily exercise I had been us'd to in
America, where presswork is mix'd with composing. I drank only water; the other workmen, near
fifty in number, were great guzzlers of beer.
On occasion, I carried up and down stairs a large form of types in each
hand, when others carried but one in both hands. They wondered to see, from this and several
instances, that the Water-American, as they called me, was stronger than themselves,
who drank strong beer! We had an
alehouse boy who attended always in the house to supply the workmen. My companion at the press drank every day a
pint before breakfast, a pint at breakfast with his bread and cheese, a pint
between breakfast and dinner, a pint at dinner, a pint in the afternoon about
six o'clock, and another when he had done his day's work. I thought it a detestable custom; but it was
necessary, he suppos'd, to drink strong beer, that he might be strong to labor. I endeavored to convince him that the bodily
strength afforded by beer could only be in proportion to the grain or flour of
the barley dissolved in the water of which it was made; that there was more
flour in a pennyworth of bread; and therefore, if he would eat that with a pint
of water, it would give him more strength than a quart of beer. He drank on, however, and had four or five
shillings to pay out of his wages every Saturday night for that muddling
liquor; an expense I was free from. And
thus these poor devils keep themselves always under.
Watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in the
composing-room, I left the pressmen; a new bien venu or sum for drink, being
five shillings, was demanded of me by the compositors. I thought it an imposition, as I had paid below;
the master thought so too, and forbad my paying it. I stood out two or three weeks, was
accordingly considered as an excommunicate, and bad so many little pieces of
private mischief done me, by mixing my sorts, transposing my pages, breaking my
matter, etc., etc., if I were ever so little out of the room, and all ascribed
to the chappel ghost, which they said ever haunted those not regularly
admitted, that, notwithstanding the master's protection, I found myself oblig'd
to comply and pay the money, convinc'd of the folly of being on ill terms with
those one is to live with continually.
I was now on a fair footing with them, and soon acquir'd
considerable influence. I propos'd some
reasonable alterations in their chappel<4> laws, and carried them against
all opposition. From my example, a great
part of them left their muddling breakfast of beer, and bread, and cheese,
finding they could with me be suppli'd from a neighboring house with a large
porringer of hot water-gruel, sprinkled with pepper, crumbl'd with bread, and a
bit of butter in it, for the price of a pint of beer, viz., three half-pence.
This was a more comfortable as well as cheaper breakfast, and kept their heads
clearer. Those who continued sotting
with beer all day, were often, by not paying, out of credit at the alehouse, and
us'd to make interest with me to get beer; their light, as they phrased it,
being out. I watch'd the pay-table on
Saturday night, and collected what I stood engag'd for them, having to pay
sometimes near thirty shillings a week on their account. This, and my being esteem'd a pretty good
riggite, that is, a jocular verbal satirist, supported my consequence in the
society. My constant attendance (I never
making a St. Monday) recommended me to the master; and my uncommon quickness at
composing occasioned my being put upon all work of dispatch, which was
generally better paid. So I went on now
very agreeably.
<4> "A printing-house is always called a chapel
by the workmen, the origin of which appears to have been that printing was
first carried on in England in an ancient chapel converted into a
printing-house, and the title has been preserved by tradition. The bien venu
among the printers answers to the terms entrance and footing among mechanics;
thus a journeyman, on entering a printing-house, was accustomed to pay one or
more gallons of beer for the good of the chapel; this custom was falling into
disuse thirty years ago; it is very properly rejected entirely in the United
States."--W. T. F.
My lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I found
another in Duke-street, opposite to the Romish Chapel. It was two pair of stairs backwards, at an
Italian warehouse. A widow lady kept the
house; she had a daughter, and a maid servant, and a journeyman who attended
the warehouse, but lodg'd abroad. After
sending to inquire my character at the house where I last lodg'd she agreed to
take me in at the same rate, 3s.
6d. per week; cheaper, as she
said, from the protection she expected in having a man lodge in the house. She was a widow, an elderly woman; had been
bred a Protestant, being a clergyman's daughter, but was converted to the
Catholic religion by her husband, whose memory she much revered; had lived much
among people of distinction, and knew a thousand anecdotes of them as far back
as the times of Charles the Second. She
was lame in her knees with the gout, and, therefore, seldom stirred out of her
room, so sometimes wanted company; and hers was so highly amusing to me, that I
was sure to spend an evening with her whenever she desired it. Our supper was only half an anchovy each, on
a very little strip of bread and butter, and half a pint of ale between us; but
the entertainment was in her conversation.
My always keeping good hours, and giving little trouble in the family,
made her unwilling to part with me; so that, when I talk'd of a lodging I had
heard of,nearer my business, for two shillings a week, which, intent as I now
was on saving money, made some difference, she bid me not think of it, for she
would abate me two shillings a week for the future; so I remained with her at
one shilling and sixpence as long as I staid in London.
In a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady of
seventy, in the most retired manner, of whom my landlady gave me this
account: that she was a Roman Catholic,
had been sent abroad when young, and lodg'd in a nunnery with an intent of
becoming a nun; but, the country not agreeing with her, she returned to
England, where, there being no nunnery, she had vow'd to lead the life of a
nun, as near as might be done in those circumstances. Accordingly, she had given all her estate to
charitable uses, reserving only twelve pounds a year to live on, and out of
this sum she still gave a great deal in charity, living herself on water-gruel
only, and using no fire but to boil it.
She had lived many years in that garret, being permitted to remain there
gratis by successive Catholic tenants of the house below, as they deemed it a
blessing to have her there. A priest
visited her to confess her every day.
"I have ask'd her," says my landlady, "how she, as she
liv'd, could possibly find so much employment for a confessor?" "Oh," said she, "it is
impossible to avoid vain thoughts."
I was permitted once to visit her, She was chearful and polite, and
convers'd pleasantly. The room was
clean, but had no other furniture than a matras, a table with a crucifix and
book, a stool which she gave me to sit on, and a picture over the chimney of
Saint Veronica displaying her handkerchief, with the miraculous figure of
Christ's bleeding face on it, which she explained to me with great
seriousness. She look'd pale, but was
never sick; and I give it as another instance on how small an income life and
health may be supported.
At Watts's printing-house I contracted an acquaintance with
an ingenious young man, one Wygate, who, having wealthy relations, had been
better educated than most printers; was a tolerable Latinist, spoke French, and
lov'd reading. I taught him and a friend
of his to swim at twice going into the river, and they soon became good
swimmers. They introduc'd me to some
gentlemen from the country, who went to Chelsea by water to see the College and
Don Saltero's curiosities. In our
return, at the request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate had excited, I
stripped and leaped into the river, and swam from near Chelsea to Blackfryar's,
performing on the way many feats of activity, both upon and under water, that
surpris'd and pleas'd those to whom they were novelties.
I had from a child been ever delighted with this exercise,
had studied and practis'd all Thevenot's motions and positions, added some of
my own, aiming at the graceful and easy as well as the useful. All these I took this occasion of exhibiting
to the company, and was much flatter'd by their admiration; and Wygate, who was
desirous of becoming a master, grew more and more attach'd to me on that
account, as well as from the similarity of our studies. He at length proposed to me travelling all
over Europe together, supporting ourselves everywhere by working at our business. I was once inclined to it; but, mentioning it
to my good friend Mr. Denham, with whom I often spent an hour when I had
leisure, he dissuaded me from it, advising me to think only of returning to
Pennsilvania, which he was now about to do.
I must record one trait of this good man's character. He had formerly been in business at Bristol,
but failed in debt to a number of people, compounded and went to America. There, by a close application to business as
a merchant, he acquir'd a plentiful fortune in a few years. Returning to England in the ship with me, he
invited his old creditors to an entertainment, at which he thank'd them for the
easy composition they had favored him with, and, when they expected nothing but
the treat, every man at the first remove found under his plate an order on a
banker for the full amount of the unpaid remainder with interest.
He now told me he was about to return to Philadelphia, and
should carry over a great quantity of goods in order to open a store
there. He propos'd to take me over as
his clerk, to keep his books, in which he would instruct me, copy his letters,
and attend the store. He added that, as
soon as I should be acquainted with mercantile business, he would promote me by
sending me with a cargo of flour and bread, etc., to the West Indies, and
procure me commissions from others which would be profitable; and, if I manag'd
well, would establish me handsomely. The
thing pleas'd me; for I was grown tired of London, remembered with pleasure the
happy months I had spent in Pennsylvania, and wish'd again to see it; therefore
I immediately agreed on the terms of fifty pounds a year, Pennsylvania money;
less, indeed, than my present gettings as a compositor, but affording a better
prospect.
I now took leave of printing, as I thought, for ever, and
was daily employed in my new business, going about with Mr. Denham among the
tradesmen to purchase various articles, and seeing them pack'd up, doing
errands, calling upon workmen to dispatch, etc.; and, when all was on board, I
had a few days' leisure. On one of these
days, I was, to my surprise, sent for by a great man I knew only by name, a Sir
William Wyndham, and I waited upon him.
He had heard by some means or other of my swimming from Chelsea to
Blackfriar's, and of my teaching Wygate and another young man to swim in a few
hours. He had two sons, about to set out
on their travels; he wish'd to have them first taught swimming, and proposed to
gratify me handsomely if I would teach them.
They were not yet come to town, and my stay was uncertain, so I could
not undertake it; but, from this incident, I thought it likely that, if I were
to remain in England and open a swimming-school, I might get a good deal of
money; and it struck me so strongly, that, had the overture been sooner made
me, probably I should not so soon have returned to America. After many years, you and I had something of
more importance to do with one of these sons of Sir William Wyndham, become
Earl of Egremont, which I shall mention in its place.
Thus I spent about eighteen months in London; most part of
the time I work'd hard at my business, and spent but little upon myself except
in seeing plays and in books. My friend
Ralph had kept me poor; he owed me about twenty-seven pounds, which I was now never
likely to receive; a great sum out of my small earnings! I lov'd him, notwithstanding, for he had many
amiable qualities. I had by no means
improv'd my fortune; but I had picked up some very ingenious acquaintance,
whose conversation was of great advantage to me; and I had read considerably.
We sail'd from Gravesend on the 23d of July, 1726. For the incidents of the voyage, I refer you
to my journal, where you will find them all minutely related. Perhaps the most important part of that
journal is the plan<5> to be found in it, which I formed at sea, for
regulating my future conduct in life. It
is the more remarkable, as being formed when I was so young, and yet being
pretty faithfully adhered to quite thro' to old age.
<5> The "Journal" was printed by Sparks,
from a copy made at Reading in 1787. But it does not contain the Plan. --Ed.
We landed in Philadelphia on the 11th of October, where I
found sundry alterations. Keith was no
longer governor, being superseded by Major Gordon. I met him walking the streets as a common
citizen. He seem'd a little asham'd at
seeing me, but pass'd without saying anything.
I should have been as much asham'd at seeing Miss Read, had not her
friends, despairing with reason of my return after the receipt of my letter,
persuaded her to marry another, one Rogers, a potter, which was done in my
absence. With him, however, she was
never happy, and soon parted from him, refusing to cohabit with him or bear his
name, it being now said that he bad another wife. He was a worthless fellow, tho' an excellent
workman, which was the temptation to her friends. He got into debt, ran away in 1727 or 1728,
went to the West Indies, and died there.
Keimer had got a better house, a shop well supply'd with stationery,
plenty of new types, a number of hands, tho' none good, and seem'd to have a
great deal of business.
Mr. Denham took a store in Water-street, where we open'd our
goods; I attended the business diligently, studied accounts, and grew, in a little
time, expert at selling. We lodg'd and,
boarded together; he counsell'd me as a father, having a sincere regard for
me. I respected and lov'd him, and we
might have gone on together very happy; but, in the beginning of February,
1726-7, when I had just pass'd my twenty-first year, we both were taken
ill. My distemper was a pleurisy, which
very nearly carried me off. I suffered a
good deal, gave up the point in my own mind, and was rather disappointed when I
found myself recovering, regretting, in some degree, that I must now, some time
or other, have all that disagreeable work to do over again. I forget what his distemper was; it held him
a long time, and at length carried him off.
He left me a small legacy in a nuncupative will, as a token of his
kindness for me, and he left me once more to the wide world; for the store was
taken into the care of his executors, and my employment under him ended.
My brother-in-law, Holmes, being now at Philadelphia,
advised my return to my business; and Keimer tempted me, with an offer of large
wages by the year, to come and take the management of his printing-house, that
he might better attend his stationer's shop.
I had heard a bad character of him in London from his wife and her
friends, and was not fond of having any more to do with him. I tri'd for farther employment as a
merchant's clerk; but, not readily meeting with any, I clos'd again with
Keimer. I found in his house these hands: Hugh Meredith, a Welsh Pensilvanian, thirty
years of age, bred to country work; honest, sensible, had a great deal of solid
observation, was something of a reader, but given to drink. Stephen Potts, a young countryman of full
age, bred to the same, of uncommon natural parts, and great wit and humor, but
a little idle. These he had agreed with
at extream low wages per week, to be rais'd a shilling every three months, as
they would deserve by improving in their business; and the expectation of these
high wages, to come on hereafter, was what he had drawn them in with. Meredith was to work at press, Potts at
book-binding, which he, by agreement, was to teach them, though he knew neither
one nor t'other. John ----, a wild Irishman, brought up to no business, whose
service, for four years, Keimer had purchased from the captain of a ship; he,
too, was to be made a pressman. George
Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time for four years he had likewise bought,
intending him for a compositor, of whom more presently; and David Harry, a
country boy, whom he had taken apprentice.
I soon perceiv'd that the intention of engaging me at wages
so much higher than he had been us'd to give, was, to have these raw, cheap
hands form'd thro' me; and, as soon as I had instructed them, then they being
all articled to him, he should be able to do without me. I went on, however, very cheerfully, put his
printing-house in order, which had been in great confusion, and brought his
hands by degrees to mind their business and to do it better.
It was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in the
situation of a bought servant. He was
not more than eighteen years of age, and gave me this account of himself; that
he was born in Gloucester, educated at a grammar-school there, had been
distinguish'd among the scholars for some apparent superiority in performing his
part, when they exhibited plays; belong'd to the Witty Club there, and had
written some pieces in prose and verse, which were printed in the Gloucester
newspapers; thence he was sent to Oxford; where he continued about a year, but
not well satisfi'd, wishing of all things to see London, and become a
player. At length, receiving his
quarterly allowance of fifteen guineas, instead of discharging his debts he
walk'd out of town, hid his gown in a furze bush, and footed it to London,
where, having no friend to advise him, he fell into bad company, soon spent his
guineas, found no means of being introduc'd among the players, grew
necessitous, pawn'd his cloaths, and wanted bread. Walking the street very hungry, and not knowing
what to do with himself, a crimp's bill was put into his hand, offering
immediate entertainment and encouragement to such as would bind themselves to
serve in America.
He went directly, sign'd the indentures, was put into the
ship, and came over, never writing a line to acquaint his friends what was
become of him. He was lively, witty,
good-natur'd, and a pleasant companion, but idle, thoughtless, and imprudent to
the last degree.
John, the Irishman, soon ran away; with the rest I began to
live very agreeably, for they all respected me the more, as they found Keimer
incapable of instructing them, and that from me they learned something
daily. We never worked on Saturday, that
being Keimer's Sabbath, so I had two days for reading. My acquaintance with ingenious people in the
town increased. Keimer himself treated
me with great civility and apparent regard, and nothing now made me uneasy but
my debt to Vernon, which I was yet unable to pay, being hitherto but a poor
oeconomist. He, however, kindly made no
demand of it.
Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no
letter-founder in America; I had seen types cast at James's in London, but
without much attention to the manner; however, I now contrived a mould, made
use of the letters we had as puncheons, struck the matrices in lead, And thus
supply'd in a pretty tolerable way all deficiencies. I also engrav'd several things on occasion; I
made the ink; I was warehouseman, and everything, and, in short, quite a
factotum.
But, however serviceable I might be, I found that my services
became every day of less importance, as the other hands improv'd in the
business; and, when Keimer paid my second quarter's wages, he let me know that
he felt them too heavy, and thought I should make an abatement. He grew by degrees less civil, put on more of
the master, frequently found fault, was captious, and seem'd ready for an
outbreaking. I went on, nevertheless,
with a good deal of patience, thinking that his encumber'd circumstances were
partly the cause. At length a trifle
snapt our connections; for, a great noise happening near the court-house, I put
my head out of the window to see what was the matter. Keimer, being in the street, look'd up and
saw me, call'd out to me in a loud voice and angry tone to mind my business,
adding some reproachful words, that nettled me the more for their publicity,
all the neighbors who were looking out on the same occasion being witnesses how
I was treated. He came up immediately
into the printing-house, continu'd the quarrel, high words pass'd on both sides,
he gave me the quarter's warning we had stipulated, expressing a wish that he
had not been oblig'd to so long a warning.
I told him his wish was unnecessary, for I would leave him that instant;
and so, taking my hat, walk'd out of doors, desiring Meredith, whom I saw
below, to take care of some things I left, and bring them to my lodgings.
Meredith came accordingly in the evening, when we talked my
affair over. He had conceiv'd a great
regard for me, and was very unwilling that I should leave the house while he
remain'd in it. He dissuaded me from
returning to my native country, which I began to think of; he reminded me that
Keimer was in debt for all he possess'd; that his creditors began to be uneasy;
that he kept his shop miserably, sold often without profit for ready money, and
often trusted without keeping accounts; that he must therefore fall, which
would make a vacancy I might profit of.
I objected my want of money. He
then let me know that his father had a high opinion of me, and, from some discourse
that had pass'd between them, he was sure would advance money to set us up, if
I would enter into partnership with him.
"My time," says he, "will be out with Keimer in the
spring; by that time we may have our press and types in from London. I am sensible I am no workman; if you like
it, your skill in the business shall be set against the stock I furnish, and we
will share the profits equally."
The proposal was agreeable, and I consented; his father was
in town and approv'd of it; the more as he saw I had great influence with his
son, had prevail'd on him to abstain long from dram-drinking, and he hop'd
might break him off that wretched habit entirely, when we came to be so closely
connected. I gave an inventory to the
father, who carry'd it to a merchant; the things were sent for, the secret was
to be kept till they should arrive, and in the mean time I was to get work, if
I could, at the other printing-house. But I found no vacancy there, and so
remain'd idle a few days, when Keimer, on a prospect of being employ'd to print
some paper money in New Jersey, which would require cuts and various types that
I only could supply, and apprehending Bradford might engage me and get the jobb
from him, sent me a very civil message, that old friends should not part for a
few words, the effect of sudden passion, and wishing me to return. Meredith persuaded me to comply, as it would
give more opportunity for his improvement under my daily instructions; so I
return'd, and we went on more smoothly than for some time before. The New jersey jobb was obtain'd, I contriv'd
a copperplate press for it, the first that had been seen in the country; I cut
several ornaments and checks for the bills.
We went together to Burlington, where I executed the whole to satisfaction;
and he received so large a sum for the work as to be enabled thereby to keep
his head much longer above water.
At Burlington I made an acquaintance with many principal
people of the province. Several of them
had been appointed by the Assembly a committee to attend the press, and take
care that no more bills were printed than the law directed. They were therefore, by turns, constantly
with us, and generally he who attended, brought with him a friend or two for company. My mind having been much more improv'd by
reading than Keimer's, I suppose it was for that reason my conversation seem'd
to he more valu'd. They had me to their houses, introduced me to their friends,
and show'd me much civility; while he, tho' the master, was a little neglected. In truth, he was an odd fish; ignorant of
common life, fond of rudely opposing receiv'd opinions, slovenly to extream
dirtiness, enthusiastic in some points of religion, and a little knavish
withal.
We continu'd there near three months; and by that time I
could reckon among my acquired friends, Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the
secretary of the Province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, and several of the
Smiths, members of Assembly, and Isaac Decow, the surveyor-general. The latter
was a shrewd, sagacious old man, who told me that he began for himself, when
young, by wheeling clay for the brick-makers, learned to write after be was of
age, carri'd the chain for surveyors, who taught him surveying, and he had now
by his industry, acquir'd a good estate; and says he, "I foresee that you
will soon work this man out of business, and make a fortune in it at
Philadelphia." He had not then the
least intimation of my intention to set up there or anywhere. These friends were afterwards of great use to
me, as I occasionally was to some of them.
They all continued their regard for me as long as they lived.
Before I enter upon my public appearance in business, it may
be well to let you know the then state of my mind with regard to my principles
and morals, that you may see how far those influenc'd the future events of my
life. My parents had early given me
religious impressions, and brought me through my childhood piously in the
Dissenting way. But I was scarce
fifteen, when, after doubting by turns of several points, as I found them
disputed in the different books I read, I began to doubt of Revelation
itself. Some books against Deism fell
into my hands; they were said to be the substance of sermons preached at
Boyle's Lectures. It happened that they
wrought an effect on me quite contrary to what was intended by them; for the
arguments of the Deists, which were quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much
stronger than the refutations; in short, I soon became a thorough Deist. My arguments perverted some others,
particularly Collins and Ralph; but, each of them having afterwards wrong'd me
greatly without the least compunction, and recollecting Keith's conduct towards
me (who was another freethinker), and my own towards Vernon and Miss Read,
which at times gave me great trouble, I began to suspect that this doctrine,
tho' it might be true, was not very useful.
My London pamphlet, which had for its motto these lines of Dryden:
"Whatever is, is right.
Though purblind man
Sees but a
part o' the chain, the nearest link:
His eyes
not carrying to the equal beam,
That poises
all above;"
and from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom,
goodness and power, concluded that nothing could possibly be wrong in the world,
and that vice and virtue were empty distinctions, no such things existing,
appear'd now not so clever a performance as I once thought it; and I doubted
whether some error had not insinuated itself unperceiv'd into my argument, so
as to infect all that follow'd, as is common in metaphysical reasonings.
I grew convinc'd that truth, sincerity and integrity in
dealings between man and man were of the utmost importance to the felicity of
life; and I form'd written resolutions, which still remain in my journal book,
to practice them ever while I lived.
Revelation had indeed no weight with me, as such; but I entertain'd an
opinion that, though certain actions might not be bad because they were
forbidden by it, or good because it commanded them, yet probably these actions
might be forbidden because they were bad for us, or commanded because they were
beneficial to us, in their own natures, all the circumstances of things
considered. And this persuasion, with
the kind hand of Providence, or some guardian angel, or accidental favorable
circumstances and situations, or all together, preserved me, thro' this
dangerous time of youth, and the hazardous situations I was sometimes in among
strangers, remote from the eye and advice of my father, without any willful gross
immorality or injustice, that might have been expected from my want of
religion. I say willful, because the
instances I have mentioned had something of necessity in them, from my youth,
inexperience, and the knavery of others.
I had therefore a tolerable character to begin the world with; I valued
it properly, and determin'd to preserve it.
We had not been long return'd to Philadelphia before the new
types arriv'd from London. We settled
with Keimer, and left him by his consent before he heard of it. We found a house to hire near the market, and
took it. To lessen the rent, which was
then but twenty-four pounds a year, tho' I have since known it to let for
seventy, we took in Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and his family, who were to pay
a considerable part of it to us, and we to board with them. We had scarce opened our letters and put our
press in order, before George House, an acquaintance of mine, brought a
countryman to us, whom he had met in the street inquiring for a printer. All our cash was now expended in the variety
of particulars we had been obliged to procure, and this countryman's five
shillings, being our first-fruits, and coming so seasonably, gave me more
pleasure than any crown I have since earned; and the gratitude I felt toward House
has made me often more ready than perhaps I should otherwise have been to
assist young beginners.
There are croakers in every country, always boding its
ruin. Such a one then lived in
Philadelphia; a person of note, an elderly man, with a wise look and a very
grave manner of speaking; his name was Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger to me, stopt one
day at my door, and asked me if I was the young man who had lately opened a new
printing-house. Being answered in the affirmative, he said he was sorry for me,
because it was an expensive undertaking, and the expense would be lost; for
Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people already half-bankrupts, or near
being so; all appearances to the contrary, such as new buildings and the rise
of rents, being to his certain knowledge fallacious; for they were, in fact,
among the things that would soon ruin us.
And he gave me such a detail of misfortunes now existing, or that were
soon to exist, that he left me half melancholy.
Had I known him before I engaged in this business, probably I never
should have done it. This man continued
to live in this decaying place, and to declaim in the same strain, refusing for
many years to buy a house there, because all was going to destruction; and at
last I had the pleasure of seeing him give five times as much for one as he
might have bought it for when he first began his croaking.
I should have mentioned before, that, in the autumn of the
preceding year, I had form'd most of my ingenious acquaintance into a club of mutual
improvement, which we called the JUNTO; we met on Friday evenings. The rules that I drew up required that every
member, in his turn, should produce one or more queries on any point of Morals,
Politics, or Natural Philosophy, to be discuss'd by the company; and once in
three months produce and read an essay of his own writing, on any subject he
pleased. Our debates were to be under
the direction of a president, and to be conducted in the sincere spirit of
inquiry after truth, without fondness for dispute, or desire of victory; and,
to prevent warmth, all expressions of positiveness in opinions, or direct
contradiction, were after some time made contraband, and prohibited under small
pecuniary penalties.
The first members were Joseph Breintnal, a copyer of deeds
for the scriveners, a good-natur'd, friendly, middle-ag'd man, a great lover of
poetry, reading all he could meet with, and writing some that was tolerable;
very ingenious in many little Nicknackeries, and of sensible conversation.
Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, great in his
way, and afterward inventor of what is now called Hadley's Quadrant. But he knew little out of his way, and was
not a pleasing companion; as, like most great mathematicians I have met with,
he expected universal precision in everything said, or was for ever denying or
distinguishing upon trifles, to the disturbance of all conversation. He soon left us.
Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterwards surveyor-general, who
lov'd books, and sometimes made a few verses.
William Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but loving reading, had
acquir'd a considerable share of mathematics, which he first studied with a
view to astrology, that he afterwards laught at it. He also became surveyor-general.
William Maugridge, a joiner, a most exquisite mechanic, and
a solid, sensible man.
Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb I have
characteriz'd before.
Robert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, generous,
lively, and witty; a lover of punning and of his friends.
And William Coleman, then a merchant's clerk, about my age,
who had the coolest, dearest head, the best heart, and the exactest morals of
almost any man I ever met with. He
became afterwards a merchant of great note, and one of our provincial
judges. Our friendship continued without
interruption to his death, upward of forty years; and the club continued almost
as long, and was the best school of philosophy, morality, and politics that
then existed in the province; for our queries, which were read the week preceding
their discussion, put us upon reading with attention upon the several subjects,
that we might speak more to the purpose; and here, too, we acquired better
habits of conversation, every thing being studied in our rules which might
prevent our disgusting each other. From
hence the long continuance of the club, which I shall have frequent occasion to
speak further of hereafter.
But my giving this account of it here is to show something of
the interest I had, every one of these exerting themselves in recommending
business to us. Breintnal particularly
procur'd us from the Quakers the printing forty sheets of their history, the
rest being to be done by Keimer; and upon this we work'd exceedingly hard, for
the price was low. It was a folio, pro
patria size, in pica, with long primer notes.
I compos'd of it a sheet a day, and Meredith worked it off at press; it
was often eleven at night, and sometimes later, before I had finished my distribution
for the next day's work, for the little jobbs sent in by our other friends now
and then put us back. But so determin'd
I was to continue doing a sheet a day of the folio, that one night, when,
having impos'd my forms, I thought my day's work over, one of them by accident
was broken, and two pages reduced to pi, I immediately distributed and compos'd
it over again before I went to bed; and this industry, visible to our
neighbors, began to give us character and credit; particularly, I was told,
that mention being made of the new printing-office at the merchants'
Every-night club, the general opinion was that it must fail, there being
already two printers in the place, Keimer and Bradford; but Dr. Baird (whom you
and I saw many years after at his native place, St. Andrew's in Scotland) gave
a contrary opinion: "For the
industry of that Franklin," says he, "is superior to any thing I ever
saw of the kind; I see him still at work when I go home from club, and he is at
work again before his neighbors are out of bed." This struck the rest, and we soon after had
offers from one of them to supply us with stationery; but as yet we did not
chuse to engage in shop business.
I mention this industry the more particularly and the more
freely, tho' it seems to be talking in my own praise, that those of my
posterity, who shall read it, may know the use of that virtue, when they see
its effects in my favour throughout this relation.
George Webb, who had found a female friend that lent him
wherewith to purchase his time of Keimer, now came to offer himself as a
journeyman to us. We could not then
employ him; but I foolishly let him know as a secret that I soon intended to
begin a newspaper, and might then have work for him. My hopes of success, as I told him, were founded
on this, that the then only newspaper, printed by Bradford, was a paltry thing,
wretchedly manag'd, no way entertaining, and yet was profitable to him; I
therefore thought a good paper would scarcely fail of good encouragement. I requested Webb not to mention it; but he
told it to Keimer, who immediately, to be beforehand with me, published
proposals for printing one himself, on which Webb was to be employ'd. I
resented this; and, to counteract them, as I could not yet begin our paper, I
wrote several pieces of entertainment for Bradford's paper, under the title of
the BUSY BODY, which Breintnal continu'd some months. By this means the attention of the publick
was fixed on that paper, and Keimer's proposals, which we burlesqu'd and
ridicul'd, were disregarded. He began
his paper, however, and, after carrying it on three quarters of a year, with at
most only ninety subscribers, he offered it to me for a trifle; and I, having
been ready some time to go on with it, took it in hand directly; and it prov'd
in a few years extremely profitable to me.
I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular number,
though our partnership still continu'd; the reason may be that, in fact, the
whole management of the business lay upon me.
Meredith was no compositor, a poor pressman, and seldom sober. My friends lamented my connection with him,
but I was to make the best of it.
Our first papers made a quite different appearance from any
before in the province; a better type, and better printed; but some spirited
remarks of my writing, on the dispute then going on between Governor Burnet and
the Massachusetts Assembly, struck the principal people, occasioned the paper
and the manager of it to be much talk'd of, and in a few weeks brought them all
to be our subscribers.
Their example was follow'd by many, and our number went on
growing continually. This was one of the
first good effects of my having learnt a little to scribble; another was, that
the leading men, seeing a newspaper now in the hands of one who could also
handle a pen, thought it convenient to oblige and encourage me. Bradford still printed the votes, and laws,
and other publick business. He had
printed an address of the House to the governor, in a coarse, blundering
manner, we reprinted it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to every
member. They were sensible of the
difference: it strengthened the hands of
our friends in the House, and they voted us their printers for the year
ensuing.
Among my friends in the House I must not forget Mr.
Hamilton, before mentioned, who was then returned from England, and had a seat
in it. He interested himself for me
strongly in that instance, as he did in many others afterward, continuing his
patronage till his death.<6>
<6> I got his son once L500.--[Marg. note.]
Mr. Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of the debt I
ow'd him, but did not press me. I wrote
him an ingenuous letter of acknowledgment, crav'd his forbearance a little
longer, which he allow'd me, and as soon as I was able, I paid the principal
with interest, and many thanks; so that erratum was in some degree corrected.
But now another difficulty came upon me which I had never
the least reason to expect. Mr.
Meredith's father, who was to have paid for our printing-house, according to
the expectations given me, was able to advance only one hundred pounds
currency, which had been paid; and a hundred more was due to the merchant, who
grew impatient, and su'd us all. We gave
bail, but saw that, if the money could not be rais'd in time, the suit must soon
come to a judgment and execution, and our hopeful prospects must, with us, be
ruined, as the press and letters must be sold for payment, perhaps at half
price.
In this distress two true friends, whose kindness I have
never forgotten, nor ever shall forget while I can remember any thing, came to
me separately, unknown to each other, and, without any application from me,
offering each of them to advance me all the money that should be necessary to
enable me to take the whole business upon myself, if that should be
practicable; but they did not like my continuing the partnership with Meredith,
who, as they said, was often seen drunk in the streets, and playing at low
games in alehouses, much to our discredit.
These two friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. I told them I could not propose a separation
while any prospect remain'd of the Merediths' fulfilling their part of our
agreement, because I thought myself under great obligations to them for what
they had done, and would do if they could; but, if they finally fail'd in their
performance, and our partnership must be dissolv'd, I should then think myself
at liberty to accept the assistance of my friends.
Thus the matter rested for some time, when I said to my
partner, "Perhaps your father is dissatisfied at the part you have
undertaken in this affair of ours, and is unwilling to advance for you and me
what he would for you alone. If that is
the case, tell me, and I will resign the whole to you, and go about my
business." "No," said he,
"my father has really been disappointed, and is really unable; and I am
unwilling to distress him farther. I see
this is a business I am not fit for. I
was bred a farmer, and it was a folly in me to come to town, and put myself, at
thirty years of age, an apprentice to learn a new trade. Many of our Welsh people are going to settle
in North Carolina, where land is cheap.
I am inclin'd to go with them, and follow my old employment. You may find friends to assist you. If you will take the debts of the company upon
you; return to my father the hundred pound he has advanced; pay my little
personal debts, and give me thirty pounds and a new saddle, I will relinquish
the partnership, and leave the whole in your hands." I agreed to this proposal: it was drawn up in writing, sign'd, and
seal'd immediately. I gave him what he
demanded, and he went soon after to Carolina, from whence he sent me next year
two long letters, containing the best account that had been given of that country,
the climate, the soil, husbandry, etc., for in those matters he was very
judicious. I printed them in the papers,
and they gave great satisfaction to the publick.
As soon as he was gone, I recurr'd to my two friends; and
because I would not give an unkind preference to either, I took half of what
each had offered and I wanted of one, and half of the other; paid off the
company's debts, and went on with the business in my own name, advertising that
the partnership was dissolved. I think
this was in or about the year 1729.
About this time there was a cry among the people for more
paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds being extant in the province, and
that soon to be sunk. The wealthy
inhabitants oppos'd any addition, being against all paper currency, from an
apprehension that it would depreciate, as it had done in New England, to the
prejudice of all creditors. We had
discuss'd this point in our Junto, where I was on the side of an addition,
being persuaded that the first small sum struck in 1723 had done much good by
increasing the trade, employment, and number of inhabitants in the province,
since I now saw all the old houses inhabited, and many new ones building;
whereas I remembered well, that when I first walk'd about the streets of
Philadelphia, eating my roll, I saw most of the houses in Walnut-street,
between Second and Front streets, with bills on their doors, "To be
let"; and many likewise in Chestnut-street and other streets, which made
me then think the inhabitants of the city were deserting it one after another.
Our debates possess'd me so fully of the subject, that I
wrote and printed an anonymous pamphlet on it, entitled "The Nature and
Necessity of a Paper Currency." It
was well receiv'd by the common people in general; but the rich men dislik'd
it, for it increas'd and strengthen'd the clamor for more money, and they
happening to have no writers among them that were able to answer it, their
opposition slacken'd, and the point was carried by a majority in the
House. My friends there, who conceiv'd I
had been of some service, thought fit to reward me by employing me in printing
the money; a very profitable jobb and a great help to me. This was another advantage gain'd by my being
able to write.
The utility of this currency became by time and experience so
evident as never afterwards to be much disputed; so that it grew soon to
fifty-five thousand pounds, and in 1739 to eighty thousand pounds, since which
it arose during war to upwards of three hundred and fifty thousand pounds,
trade, building, and inhabitants all the while increasing, till I now think
there are limits beyond which the quantity may be hurtful.
I soon after obtain'd, thro' my friend Hamilton, the
printing of the Newcastle paper money, another profitable jobb as I then
thought it; small things appearing great to those in small circumstances; and
these, to me, were really great advantages, as they were great
encouragements. He procured for me,
also, the printing of the laws and votes of that government, which continu'd in
my hands as long as I follow'd the business.
I now open'd a little stationer's shop. I had in it blanks of all sorts, the
correctest that ever appear'd among us, being assisted in that by my friend
Breintnal. I had also paper, parchment,
chapmen's books, etc. One Whitemash, a
compositor I had known in London, an excellent workman, now came to me, and
work'd with me constantly and diligently; and I took an apprentice, the son of
Aquila Rose.
I began now gradually to pay off the debt I was under for
the printing-house. In order to secure my credit and character as a tradesman,
I took care not only to be in reality industrious and frugal, but to avoid all
appearances to the contrary. I drest
plainly; I was seen at no places of idle diversion. I never went out a fishing or shooting; a
book, indeed, sometimes debauch'd me from my work, but that was seldom, snug,
and gave no scandal; and, to show that I was not above my business, I sometimes
brought home the paper I purchas'd at the stores thro' the streets on a
wheelbarrow. Thus being esteem'd an
industrious, thriving young man, and paying duly for what I bought, the
merchants who imported stationery solicited my custom; others proposed
supplying me with books, and I went on swimmingly. In the mean time, Keimer's credit and
business declining daily, he was at last forc'd to sell his printing house to
satisfy his creditors. He went to
Barbadoes, and there lived some years in very poor circumstances.
His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had instructed while I
work'd with him, set up in his place at Philadelphia, having bought his
materials. I was at first apprehensive
of a powerful rival in Harry, as his friends were very able, and had a good
deal of interest. I therefore propos'd a
partner-ship to him which he, fortunately for me, rejected with scorn. He was very proud, dress'd like a gentleman,
liv'd expensively, took much diversion and pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and
neglected his business; upon which, all business left him; and, finding nothing
to do, he followed Keimer to Barbadoes, taking the printing-house with
him. There this apprentice employ'd his
former master as a journeyman; they quarrel'd often; Harry went continually
behindhand, and at length was forc'd to sell his types and return to his
country work in Pensilvania. The person
that bought them employ'd Keimer to use them, but in a few years he died.
There remained now no competitor with me at Philadelphia but
the old one, Bradford; who was rich and easy, did a little printing now and
then by straggling hands, but was not very anxious about the business. However, as he kept the post-office, it was
imagined he had better opportunities of obtaining news; his paper was thought a
better distributer of advertisements than mine, and therefore had many, more,
which was a profitable thing to him, and a disadvantage to me; for, tho' I did
indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the publick opinion was
otherwise, for what I did send was by bribing the riders, who took them
privately, Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it, which occasion'd some
resentment on my part; and I thought so meanly of him for it, that, when I
afterward came into his situation, I took care never to imitate it.
I had hitherto continu'd to board with Godfrey, who lived in
part of my house with his wife and children, and had one side of the shop for
his glazier's business, tho' he worked little, being always absorbed in his
mathematics. Mrs. Godfrey projected a
match for me with a relation's daughter, took opportunities of bringing us often
together, till a serious courtship on my part ensu'd, the girl being in herself
very deserving. The old folks encourag'd
me by continual invitations to supper, and by leaving us together, till at
length it was time to explain. Mrs.
Godfrey manag'd our little treaty. I let
her know that I expected as much money with their daughter as would pay off my
remaining debt for the printing-house, which I believe was not then above a
hundred pounds. She brought me word they
had no such sum to spare; I said they might mortgage their house in the
loan-office. The answer to this, after some days, was, that they did not
approve the match; that, on inquiry of Bradford, they had been inform'd the
printing business was not a profitable one; the types would soon be worn out,
and more wanted; that S. Keimer and D. Harry had failed one after the other,
and I should probably soon follow them; and, therefore, I was forbidden the
house, and the daughter shut up.
Whether this was a real change of sentiment or only artifice,
on a supposition of our being too far engaged in affection to retract, and
therefore that we should steal a marriage, which would leave them at liberty to
give or withhold what they pleas'd, I know not; but I suspected the latter,
resented it, and went no more. Mrs.
Godfrey brought me afterward some more favorable accounts of their disposition,
and would have drawn me on again; but I declared absolutely my resolution to
have nothing more to do with that family.
This was resented by the Godfreys; we differ'd, and they removed,
leaving me the whole house, and I resolved to take no more inmates.
But this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, I
look'd round me and made overtures of acquaintance in other places; but soon
found that, the business of a printer being generally thought a poor one, I was
not to expect money with a wife, unless with such a one as I should not
otherwise think agreeable. In the mean
time, that hard-to-be-governed passion of youth hurried me frequently into
intrigues with low women that fell in my way, which were attended with some
expense and great inconvenience, besides a continual risque to my health by a
distemper which of all things I dreaded, though by great good luck I escaped
it. A friendly correspondence as
neighbors and old acquaintances had continued between me and Mrs. Read's
family, who all had a regard for me from the time of my first lodging in their
house. I was often invited there and
consulted in their affairs, wherein I sometimes was of service. I piti'd poor Miss Read's unfortunate
situation, who was generally dejected, seldom cheerful, and avoided
company. I considered my giddiness and
inconstancy when in London as in a great degree the cause of her unhappiness, tho'
the mother was good enough to think the fault more her own than mine, as she
had prevented our marrying before I went thither, and persuaded the other match
in my absence. Our mutual affection was
revived, but there were now great objections to our union. The match was indeed looked upon as invalid,
a preceding wife being said to be living in England; but this could not easily
be prov'd, because of the distance; and, tho' there was a report of his death,
it was not certain. Then, tho' it should
be true, he had left many debts, which his successor might be call'd upon to
pay. We ventured, however, over all
these difficulties, and I took her to wife, September 1st, 1730. None of the inconveniences happened that we
had apprehended, she proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me much by
attending the shop; we throve together, and have ever mutually endeavored to
make each other happy. Thus I corrected
that great erratum as well as I could.
About this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, but in a
little room of Mr. Grace's, set apart for that purpose, a proposition was made
by me, that, since our books were often referr'd to in our disquisitions upon
the queries, it might be convenient to us to have them altogether where we met,
that upon occasion they might be consulted; and by thus clubbing our books to a
common library, we should, while we lik'd to keep them together, have each of
us the advantage of using the books of all the other members, which would be
nearly as beneficial as if each owned the whole. It was lik'd and agreed to, and we fill'd one
end of the room with such books as we could best spare. The number was not so great as we expected;
and tho' they had been of great use, yet some inconveniences occurring for want
of due care of them, the collection, after about a year, was separated, and
each took his books home again
And now I set on foot my first project of a public nature,
that for a subscription library. I drew
up the proposals, got them put into form by our great scrivener, Brockden, and,
by the help of my friends in the Junto, procured fifty subscribers of forty
shillings each to begin with, and ten shillings a year for fifty years, the
term our company was to continue. We
afterwards obtain'd a charter, the company being increased to one hundred: this was the mother of all the North American
subscription libraries, now so numerous.
It is become a great thing itself, and continually increasing. These libraries have improved the general
conversation of the Americans, made the common tradesmen and farmers as intelligent
as most gentlemen from other countries, and perhaps have contributed in some
degree to the stand so generally made throughout the colonies in defense of
their privileges.
Memo. Thus far was
written with the intention express'd in the beginning and therefore contains
several little family anecdotes of no importance to others. What follows was written many years after in
compliance with the advice contain'd in these letters, and accordingly intended
for the public. The affairs of the
Revolution occasion'd the interruption.
Letter from Mr. Abel James, with Notes of my Life (received
in Paris).
"MY DEAR AND HONORED FRIEND:
I have often been desirous of writing to thee, but could not
be reconciled to the thought that the letter might fall into the hands of the
British, lest some printer or busy-body should publish some part of the
contents, and give our friend pain, and myself censure.
"Some time since there fell into my hands, to my great
joy, about twenty-three sheets in thy own handwriting, containing an account of
the parentage and life of thyself, directed to thy son, ending in the year
1730, with which there were notes, likewise in thy writing; a copy of which I
inclose, in hopes it may be a means, if thou continued it up to a later period,
that the first and latter part may be put together; and if it is not yet
continued, I hope thee will not delay it.
Life is uncertain, as the preacher tells us; and what will the world say
if kind, humane, and benevolent Ben.
Franklin should leave his friends and the world deprived of so pleasing
and profitable a work; a work which would be useful and entertaining not only
to a few, but to millions? The influence
writings under that class have on the minds of youth is very great, and has
nowhere appeared to me so plain, as in our public friend's journals. It almost insensibly leads the youth into the
resolution of endeavoring to become as good and eminent as the journalist. Should thine, for instance, when published
(and I think it could not fail of it), lead the youth to equal the industry and
temperance of thy early youth, what a blessing with that class would such a
work be! I know of no character living,
nor many of them put together, who has so much in his power as thyself to
promote a greater spirit of industry and early attention to business,
frugality, and temperance with the American youth. Not that I think the work would have no other
merit and use in the world, far from it; but the first is of such vast
importance that I know nothing that can equal it."
The foregoing letter and the minutes accompanying it being
shown to a friend, I received from him the following:
Letter from Mr. Benjamin Vaughan.
"PARIS, January 31, 1783.
"My DEAREST SIR:
When I had read over your sheets of minutes of the principal
incidents of your life, recovered for you by your Quaker acquaintance, I told
you I would send you a letter expressing my reasons why I thought it would be
useful to complete and publish it as he desired. Various concerns have for some time past
prevented this letter being written, and I do not know whether it was worth any
expectation; happening to be at leisure, however, at present, I shall by
writing, at least interest and instruct myself; but as the terms I am inclined
to use may tend to offend a person of your manners, I shall only tell you how I
would address any other person, who was as good and as great as yourself, but
less diffident. I would say to him, Sir,
I solicit the history of your life from the following motives: Your history is so remarkable, that if you do
not give it, somebody else will certainly give it; and perhaps so as nearly to
do as much harm, as your own management of the thing might do good. It will moreover present a table of the
internal circumstances of your country, which will very much tend to invite to
it settlers of virtuous and manly minds.
And considering the eagerness with which such information is sought by
them, and the extent of your reputation, I do not know of a more efficacious
advertisement than your biography would give.
All that has happened to you is also connected with the detail of the
manners and situation of a rising people; and in this respect I do not think
that the writings of Caesar and Tacitus can be more interesting to a true judge
of human nature and society. But these,
sir, are small reasons, in my opinion, compared with the chance which your life
will give for the forming of future great men; and in conjunction with your Art
of Virtue (which you design to publish) of improving the features of private
character, and consequently of aiding all happiness, both public and
domestic. The two works I allude to,
sir, will in particular give a noble rule and example of self-education. School
and other education constantly proceed upon false principles, and show a clumsy
apparatus pointed at a false mark; but your apparatus is simple, and the mark a
true one; and while parents and young persons are left destitute of other just
means of estimating and becoming prepared for a reasonable course in life, your
discovery that the thing is in many a man's private power, will be
invaluable! Influence upon the private
character, late in life, is not only an influence late in life, but a weak
influence. It is in youth that we plant
our chief habits and prejudices; it is in youth that we take our party as to
profession, pursuits and matrimony. In
youth, therefore, the turn is given; in youth the education even of the next
generation is given; in youth the private and public character is determined;
and the term of life extending but from youth to age, life ought to begin well
from youth, and more especially before we take our party as to our principal objects. But your biography will not merely teach
self-education, but the education of a wise man; and the wisest man will
receive lights and improve his progress, by seeing detailed the conduct of
another wise man. And why are weaker men
to be deprived of such helps, when we see our race has been blundering on in
the dark, almost without a guide in this particular, from the farthest trace of
time? Show then, sir, how much is to be
done, both to sons and fathers; and invite all wise men to become like yourself,
and other men to become wise. When we
see how cruel statesmen and warriors can be to the human race, and how absurd
distinguished men can be to their acquaintance, it will be instructive to
observe the instances multiply of pacific, acquiescing manners; and to find how
compatible it is to be great and domestic, enviable and yet good-humored.
"The little private incidents which you will also have
to relate, will have considerable use, as we want, above all things, rules of
prudence in ordinary affairs; and it will be curious to see how you have acted
in these. It will be so far a sort of
key to life, and explain many things that all men ought to have once explained
to them, to give, them a chance of becoming wise by foresight. The nearest thing to having experience of
one's own, is to have other people's affairs brought before us in a shape that
is interesting; this is sure to happen from your pen; our affairs and
management will have an air of simplicity or importance that will not fail to
strike; and I am convinced you have conducted them with as much originality as
if you had been conducting discussions in politics or philosophy; and what more
worthy of experiments and system (its importance and its errors considered)
than human life?
"Some men have been virtuous blindly, others have
speculated fantastically, and others have been shrewd to bad purposes; but you,
sir, I am sure, will give under your hand, nothing but what is at the same
moment, wise, practical and good, your account of yourself (for I suppose the
parallel I am drawing for Dr. Franklin, will hold not only in point of
character, but of private history) will show that you are ashamed of no origin;
a thing the more important, as you prove how little necessary all origin is to
happiness, virtue, or greatness. As no
end likewise happens without a means, so we shall find, sir, that even you
yourself framed a plan by which you became considerable; but at the same time
we may see that though the event is flattering,the means are as simple as
wisdom could make them;that is, depending upon nature, virtue, thought and
habit.Another thing demonstrated will be the propriety of everyman's waiting
for his time for appearing upon the stage of the world. Our sensations being very much fixed to the moment,
we are apt to forget that more moments are to follow the first, and
consequently that man should arrange his conduct so as to suit the whole of a
life. Your attribution appears to have
been applied to your life, and the passing moments of it have been enlivened
with content and enjoyment instead of being tormented with foolish impatience
or regrets. Such a conduct is easy for
those who make virtue and themselves in countenance by examples of other truly
great men, of whom patience is so often the characteristic. Your Quaker correspondent, sir (for here
again I will suppose the subject of my letter resembling Dr. Franklin), praised
your frugality, diligence and temperance, which he considered as a pattern for all
youth; but it is singular that he should have forgotten your modesty and your
disinterestedness, without which you never could have waited for your
advancement, or found your situation in the mean time comfortable; which is a
strong lesson to show the poverty of glory and the importance of regulating our
minds. If this correspondent had known
the nature of your reputation as well as I do, he would have said, Your former
writings and measures would secure attention to your Biography, and Art of
Virtue; and your Biography and Art of Virtue, in return, would secure attention
to them. This is an advantage attendant
upon a various character, and which brings all that belongs to it into greater
play; and it is the more useful, as perhaps more persons are at a loss for the
means of improving their minds and characters, than they are for the time or
the inclination to do it. But there is
one concluding reflection, sir, that will shew the use of your life as a mere
piece of biography. This style of
writing seems a little gone out of vogue, and yet it is a very useful one; and
your specimen of it may be particularly serviceable, as it will make a subject
of comparison with the lives of various public cutthroats and intriguers, and
with absurd monastic self-tormentors or vain literary triflers. If it encourages more writings of the same
kind with your own, and induces more men to spend lives fit to be written, it
will be worth all Plutarch's Lives put together. But being tired of figuring to myself a
character of which every feature suits only one man in the world, without
giving him the praise of it, I shall end my letter, my dear Dr. Franklin, with
a personal application to your proper self.
I am earnestly desirous, then, my dear sir, that you should let the world
into the traits of your genuine character, as civil broils nay otherwise tend
to disguise or traduce it. Considering
your great age, the caution of your character, and your peculiar style of
thinking, it is not likely that any one besides yourself can be sufficiently
master of the facts of your life, or the intentions of your mind. Besides all this, the immense revolution of
the present period, will necessarily turn our attention towards the author of
it, and when virtuous principles have been pretended in it, it will be highly
important to shew that such have really influenced; and, as your own character
will be the principal one to receive a scrutiny, it is proper (even for its
effects upon your vast and rising country, as well as upon England and upon
Europe) that it should stand respectable and eternal. For the furtherance of human happiness, I
have always maintained that it is necessary to prove that man is not even at
present a vicious and detestable animal; and still more to prove that good management
may greatly amend him; and it is for much the same reason, that I am anxious to
see the opinion established, that there are fair characters existing among the
individuals of the race; for the moment that all men, without exception, shall
be conceived abandoned, good people will cease efforts deemed to be hopeless,
and perhaps think of taking their share in the scramble of life, or at least of
making it comfortable principally for themselves. Take then, my dear sir, this work most
speedily into hand: shew yourself good
as you are good; temperate as you are temperate; and above all things, prove
yourself as one, who from your infancy have loved justice, liberty and concord,
in a way that has made it natural and consistent for you to have acted, as we
have seen you act in the last seventeen years of your life. Let Englishmen be made not only to respect,
but even to love you. When they think
well of individuals in your native country, they will go nearer to thinking
well of your country; and when your countrymen see themselves well thought of
by Englishmen, they will go nearer to thinking well of England. Extend your views even further; do not stop
at those who speak the English tongue, but after having settled so many points
in nature and politics, think of bettering the whole race of men. As I have not read any part of the life in
question, but know only the character that lived it, I write somewhat at
hazard. I am sure, however, that the
life and the treatise I allude to (on the Art of Virtue) will necessarily
fulfil the chief of my expectations; and still more so if you take up the
measure of suiting these performances to the several views above stated. Should they even prove unsuccessful in all
that a sanguine admirer of yours hopes from them, you will at least have framed
pieces to interest the human mind; and whoever gives a feeling of pleasure that
is innocent to man, has added so much to the fair side of a life otherwise too
much darkened by anxiety and too much injured by pain. In the hope, therefore, that you will listen
to the prayer addressed to you in this letter, I beg to subscribe myself, my
dearest sir, etc., etc.,
"Signed, BENJ.
VAUGHAN."
Continuation of the Account of my Life, begun at Passy, near
Paris, 1784.
It is some time since I receiv'd the above letters, but I have
been too busy till now to think of complying with the request they
contain. It might, too, be much better
done if I were at home among my papers, which would aid my memory, and help to
ascertain dates; but my return being uncertain and having just now a little
leisure, I will endeavor to recollect and write what I can; if I live to get
home, it may there be corrected and improv'd.
Not having any copy here of what is already written, I know
not whether an account is given of the means I used to establish the
Philadelphia public library, which, from a small beginning, is now become so
considerable, though I remember to have come down to near the time of that
transaction (1730). I will therefore begin here with an account of it, which
may be struck out if found to have been already given.
At the time I establish'd myself in Pennsylvania, there was
not a good bookseller's shop in any of the colonies to the southward of
Boston. In New York and Philad'a the
printers were indeed stationers; they sold only paper, etc., almanacs, ballads,
and a few common school-books. Those who lov'd reading were oblig'd to send for
their books from England; the members of the Junto had each a few. We had left the alehouse, where we first met,
and hired a room to hold our club in. I
propos'd that we should all of us bring our books to that room, where they
would not only be ready to consult in our conferences, but become a common
benefit, each of us being at liberty to borrow such as he wish'd to read at
home. This was accordingly done, and for
some time contented us.
Finding the advantage of this little collection, I propos'd
to render the benefit from books more common, by commencing a public
subscription library. I drew a sketch of
the plan and rules that would be necessary, and got a skilful conveyancer, Mr.
Charles Brockden, to put the whole in form of articles of agreement to be
subscribed, by which each subscriber engag'd to pay a certain sum down for the
first purchase of books, and an annual contribution for increasing them. So few were the readers at that time in
Philadelphia, and the majority of us so poor, that I was not able, with great
industry, to find more than fifty persons, mostly young tradesmen, willing to
pay down for this purpose forty shillings each, and ten shillings per
annum. On this little fund we
began. The books were imported; the
library wag opened one day in the week for lending to the subscribers, on their
promissory notes to pay double the value if not duly returned. The institution soon manifested its utility,
was imitated by other towns, and in other provinces. The libraries were augmented by donations;
reading became fashionable; and our people, having no publick amusements to
divert their attention from study, became better acquainted with books, and in
a few years were observ'd by strangers to be better instructed and more
intelligent than people of the same rank generally are in other countries.
When we were about to sign the above-mentioned articles, which
were to be binding upon us, our heirs, etc., for fifty years, Mr. Brockden, the
scrivener, said to us, "You are young men, but it is scarcely probable
that any of you will live to see the expiration of the term fix'd in the
instrument." A number of us,
however, are yet living; but the instrument was after a few years rendered null
by a charter that incorporated and gave perpetuity to the company.
The objections and reluctances I met with in soliciting the
subscriptions, made me soon feel the impropriety of presenting one's self as
the proposer of any useful project, that might be suppos'd to raise one's
reputation in the smallest degree above that of one's neighbors, when one has
need of their assistance to accomplish that project. I therefore put myself as much as I could out
of sight, and stated it as a scheme of a number of friends, who had requested
me to go about and propose it to such as they thought lovers of reading. In this way my affair went on more smoothly,
and I ever after practis'd it on such occasions; and, from my frequent
successes, can heartily recommend it.
The present little sacrifice of your vanity will afterwards be amply
repaid. If it remains a while uncertain
to whom the merit belongs, some one more vain than yourself will be encouraged
to claim it, and then even envy will be disposed to do you justice by plucking
those assumed feathers, and restoring them to their right owner.
This library afforded me the means of improvement by
constant study, for which I set apart an hour or two each day, and thus
repair'd in some degree the loss of the learned education my father once
intended for me. Reading was the only
amusement I allow'd myself. I spent no
time in taverns, games, or frolicks of any kind; and my industry in my business
continu'd as indefatigable as it was necessary.
I was indebted for my printing-house; I had a young family coming on to
be educated, and I had to contend with for business two printers, who were
established in the place before me. My
circumstances, however, grew daily easier.
My original habits of frugality continuing, and my father having, among
his instructions to me when a boy, frequently repeated a proverb of Solomon,
"Seest thou a man diligent in his calling, he shall stand before kings, he
shall not stand before mean men," I from thence considered industry as a
means of obtaining wealth and distinction, which encourag'd me, tho' I did not
think that I should ever literally stand before kings, which, however, has
since happened; for I have stood before five, and even had the honor of sitting
down with one, the King of Denmark, to dinner.
We have an English proverb that says, "He that would
thrive, must ask his wife." It was
lucky for me that I had one as much dispos'd to industry and frugality as
myself. She assisted me cheerfully in my
business, folding and stitching pamphlets, tending shop, purchasing old linen
rags for the papermakers, etc., etc. We
kept no idle servants, our table was plain and simple, our furniture of the
cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was
a long time bread and milk (no tea), and I ate it out of a twopenny earthen
porringer, with a pewter spoon. But mark
how luxury will enter families, and make a progress, in spite of principle: being call'd one morning to breakfast, I
found it in a China bowl, with a spoon of silver! They had been bought for me without my
knowledge by my wife, and had cost her the enormous sum of three-and-twenty
shillings, for which she had no other excuse or apology to make, but that she
thought her husband deserv'd a silver spoon and China bowl as well as any of
his neighbors. This was the first
appearance of plate and China in our house, which afterward, in a course of
years, as our wealth increas'd, augmented gradually to several hundred pounds
in value.
I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian; and tho'
some of the dogmas of that persuasion, such as the eternal decrees of God,
election, reprobation, etc., appeared to me unintelligible, others doubtful,
and I early absented myself from the public assemblies of the sect, Sunday
being my studying day, I never was without some religious principles. I never doubted, for instance, the existence
of the Deity; that he made the world, and govern'd it by his Providence; that
the most acceptable service of God was the doing good to man; that our souls
are immortal; and that all crime will be punished, and virtue rewarded, either
here or hereafter. These I esteem'd the
essentials of every religion; and, being to be found in all the religions we had
in our country, I respected them all, tho' with different degrees of respect,
as I found them more or less mix'd with other articles, which, without any
tendency to inspire, promote, or confirm morality, serv'd principally to divide
us, and make us unfriendly to one another.
This respect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some good
effects, induc'd me to avoid all discourse that might tend to lessen the good
opinion another might have of his own religion; and as our province increas'd
in people, and new places of worship were continually wanted, and generally
erected by voluntary contributions, my mite for such purpose, whatever might be
the sect, was never refused.
Tho' I seldom attended any public worship, I had still an
opinion of its propriety, and of its utility when rightly conducted, and I
regularly paid my annual subscription for the support of the only Presbyterian
minister or meeting we had in Philadelphia.
He us'd to visit me sometimes as a friend, and admonish me to attend his
administrations, and I was now and then prevail'd on to do so, once for five
Sundays successively. Had he been in my
opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might have continued, notwithstanding the
occasion I had for the Sunday's leisure in my course of study; but his
discourses were chiefly either polemic arguments, or explications of the
peculiar doctrines of our sect, and were all to me very dry, uninteresting, and
unedifying, since not a single moral principle was inculcated or enforc'd,
their aim seeming to be rather to make us Presbyterians than good citizens.
At length he took for his text that verse of the fourth
chapter of Philippians, "Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true,
honest, just, pure, lovely, or of good report, if there be any virtue, or any
praise, think on these things." And
I imagin'd, in a sermon on such a text, we could not miss of having some
morality. But he confin'd himself to
five points only, as meant by the apostle, viz.: 1. Keeping holy the Sabbath day. 2.
Being diligent in reading the holy Scriptures. 3.
Attending duly the publick worship.
4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5.
Paying a due respect to God's ministers.
These might be all good things; but, as they were not the kind of good
things that I expected from that text, I despaired of ever meeting with them
from any other, was disgusted, and attended his preaching no more. I had some years before compos'd a little
Liturgy, or form of prayer, for my own private use (viz., in 1728), entitled,
Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion.
I return'd to the use of this, and went no more to the public
assemblies. My conduct might be
blameable, but I leave it, without attempting further to excuse it; my present
purpose being to relate facts, and not to make apologies for them.
It was about this time I conceiv'd the bold and arduous
project of arriving at moral perfection.
I wish'd to live without committing any fault at any time; I would
conquer all that either natural inclination, custom, or company might lead me
into. As I knew, or thought I knew, what
was right and wrong, I did not see why I might not always do the one and avoid
the other. But I soon found I had
undertaken a task of more difficulty than I bad imagined. While my care was employ'd in guarding
against one fault, I was often surprised by another; habit took the advantage
of inattention; inclination was sometimes too strong for reason. I concluded, at length, that the mere
speculative conviction that it was our interest to be completely virtuous, was
not sufficient to prevent our slipping; and that the contrary habits must be
broken, and good ones acquired and established, before we can have any
dependence on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I therefore contrived the
following method.
In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had met
with in my reading, I found the catalogue more or less numerous, as different
writers included more or fewer ideas under the same name. Temperance, for example, was by some confined
to eating and drinking, while by others it was extended to mean the moderating
every other pleasure, appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even
to our avarice and ambition. I propos'd
to myself, for the sake of clearness, to use rather more names, with fewer
ideas annex'd to each, than a few names with more ideas; and I included under
thirteen names of virtues all that at that time occurr'd to me as necessary or
desirable, and annexed to each a short precept, which fully express'd the
extent I gave to its meaning.
These names of virtues, with their precepts, were:
1. TEMPERANCE. Eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation.
2. SILENCE. Speak not but what may benefit others or
yourself; avoid trifling conversation.
3. ORDER. Let all your things have their places; let
each part of your business have its time.
4. RESOLUTION. Resolve to perform what you ought; perform
without fail what you resolve.
5. FRUGALITY. Make no expense but to do good to others or
yourself; i.e., waste nothing.
6. INDUSTRY. Lose no time; be always employ'd in something
useful; cut off all unnecessary actions.
7. SINCERITY. Use no hurtful deceit; think innocently and
justly, and, if you speak, speak accordingly.
8. JUSTICE. Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the
benefits that are your duty.
9. MODERATION. Avoid extreams; forbear resenting injuries so
much as you think they deserve.
10. CLEANLINESS. Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths,
or habitation.
11.
TRANQUILLITY. Be not disturbed at
trifles, or at accidents common or unavoidable.
12. CHASTITY. Rarely use venery but for health or
offspring, never to dulness, weakness, or the injury of your own or another's
peace or reputation.
13. HUMILITY. Imitate Jesus and Socrates.
My intention being to acquire the habitude of all these
virtues, I judg'd it would be well not to distract my attention by attempting
the whole at once, but to fix it on one of them at a time; and, when I should
be master of that, then to proceed to another, and so on, till I should have
gone thro' the thirteen; and, as the previous acquisition of some might
facilitate the acquisition of certain others, I arrang'd them with that view,
as they stand above. Temperance first,
as it tends to procure that coolness and clearness of head, which is so
necessary where constant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained
against the unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force of
perpetual temptations. This being
acquir'd and establish'd, Silence would be more easy; and my desire being to
gain knowledge at the same time that I improv'd in virtue, and considering that
in conversation it was obtain'd rather by the use of the ears than of the
tongue, and therefore wishing to break a habit I was getting into of prattling,
punning, and joking, which only made me acceptable to trifling company, I gave
Silence the second place. This and the
next, Order, I expected would allow me more time for attending to my project
and my studies. Resolution, once become
habitual, would keep me firm in my endeavors to obtain all the subsequent
virtues; Frugality and Industry freeing me from my remaining debt, and
producing affluence and independence, would make more easy the practice of
Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc.
Conceiving then, that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras in his
Golden Verses, daily examination would be necessary, I contrived the following
method for conducting that examination.
I made a little book, in which I allotted a page for each of
the virtues. I rul'd each page with red
ink, so as to have seven columns, one for each day of the week, marking each
column with a letter for the day. I
cross'd these columns with thirteen red lines, marking the beginning of each
line with the first letter of one of the virtues, on which line, and in its
proper column, I might mark, by a little black spot, every fault I found upon
examination to have been committed respecting that virtue upon that day.
I determined to give a week's strict attention to each of
the virtues successively. Thus, in the
first week, my great guard was to avoid every the least offence against
Temperance, leaving the other virtues to their ordinary chance, only marking
every evening the faults of the day.
Thus, if in the first week I could keep my first line, marked T, clear
of spots, I suppos'd the habit of that virtue so much strengthen'd and its
opposite weaken'd, that I might venture extending my attention to include the
next, and for the following week keep both lines clear of spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go thro'
a course compleat in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a year. And like him who, having a garden to weed,
does not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at once, which would exceed his
reach and his strength, but works on one of the beds at a time, and, having
accomplish'd the first, proceeds to a second, so I should have, I hoped, the
encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the progress I made in virtue, by
clearing successively my lines of their spots, till in the end, by a number of
courses, I should he happy in viewing a clean book, after a thirteen weeks'
daily examination.
This my little book had for its motto these lines from
Addison's Cato:
"Here
will I hold. If there's a power above us
(And that there is all nature cries aloud
Thro' all
her works), He must delight in virtue;
And that
which he delights in must be happy."
Another from Cicero,
"O
vitae Philosophia dux! O virtutum indagatrix
expultrixque
vitiorum! Unus dies, bene et ex praeceptis
tuis actus, peccanti immortalitati
est anteponendus."
Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking of wisdom or
virtue:
"Length
of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand
riches and
honour. Her ways are ways of
pleasantness,
and all her
paths are peace." iii. 16, 17.
And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, I thought
it right and necessary to solicit his assistance for obtaining it; to this end
I formed the following little prayer, which was prefix'd to my tables of
examination, for daily use.
"O powerful Goodness! bountiful Father! merciful Guide!
increase in me that wisdom which discovers my truest interest. strengthen my resolutions to perform what
that wisdom dictates. Accept my kind
offices to thy other children as the only return in my power for thy continual
favors to me."
I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took from
Thomson's Poems, viz.:
"Father
of light and life, thou Good Supreme!
O teach me
what is good; teach me Thyself!
Save me
from folly, vanity, and vice,
From every
low pursuit; and fill my soul
With
knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure;
Sacred,
substantial, never-fading bliss!"
The precept of Order requiring that every part of my
business should have its allotted time, one page in my little book contain'd
the following scheme of employment for the twenty-four hours of a natural day:
THE MORNING.
{ 5 } Rise, wash, and
address
{ } Powerful
Goodness! Contrive Question. What good
shall
{ 6 } day's business,
and take the I do this day?
{ } resolution of
the day; prose-
{ 7 } cute the
present study, and
{ }
breakfast.
{ 8 }
{ 9 } Work.
{10 }
{11 }
NOON.
{ 12 } Read, or overlook my ac-
{ 1 } counts, and
dine.
{ 2 }
{ 3 } Work.
{ 4 }
{ 5 }
EVENING.
{ 6 } Put things in
their places.
{ 7 } Supper. Music or diversion, Question. What good have
{ 8 } or
conversation. Examination I done
to-day?
{ 9 } of the
day.
{ 10 }
{ 11 }
{ 12 }
NIGHT.
{ 1 } Sleep.
{ 2 }
{ 3 }
{ 4 }
I enter'd upon the execution of this plan for
self-examination, and continu'd it with occasional intermissions for some
time. I was surpris'd to find myself so
much fuller of faults than I had imagined; but I had the satisfaction of seeing
them diminish. To avoid the trouble of
renewing now and then my little book, which, by scraping out the marks on the
paper of old faults to make room for new ones in a new course, became full of
holes, I transferr'd my tables and precepts to the ivory leaves of a memorandum
book, on which the lines were drawn with red ink, that made a durable stain,
and on those lines I mark'd my faults with a black-lead pencil, which marks I
could easily wipe out with a wet sponge.
After a while I went thro' one course only in a year, and afterward only
one in several years, till at length I omitted them entirely, being employ'd in
voyages and business abroad, with a multiplicity of affairs that interfered;
but I always carried my little book with me.
My scheme of ORDER gave me the most trouble; and I found
that, tho' it might be practicable where a man's business was such as to leave
him the disposition of his time, that of a journeyman printer, for instance, it
was not possible to be exactly observed by a master, who must mix with the
world, and often receive people of business at their own hours. Order, too, with regard to places for things,
papers, etc., I found extreamly difficult to acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, and,
having an exceeding good memory, I was not so sensible of the inconvenience
attending want of method. This article,
therefore, cost me so much painful attention, and my faults in it vexed me so
much, and I made so little progress in amendment, and had such frequent
relapses, that I was almost ready to give up the attempt, and content myself
with a faulty character in that respect, like the man who, in buying an ax of a
smith, my neighbour, desired to have the whole of its surface as bright as the
edge. The smith consented to grind it
bright for him if he would turn the wheel; he turn'd, while the smith press'd
the broad face of the ax hard and heavily on the stone, which made the turning
of it very fatiguing. The man came every
now and then from the wheel to see how the work went on, and at length would
take his ax as it was, without farther grinding. "No," said the smith, "turn
on, turn on; we shall have it bright by-and-by; as yet, it is only
speckled." "Yes," said
the man, "but I think I like a speckled ax best." And I believe this may have been the case
with many, who, having, for want of some such means as I employ'd, found the
difficulty of obtaining good and breaking bad habits in other points of vice
and virtue, have given up the struggle, and concluded that "a speckled ax
was best"; for something, that pretended to be reason, was every now and
then suggesting to me that such extream nicety as I exacted of myself might be
a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it were known, would make me ridiculous;
that a perfect character might be attended with the inconvenience of being
envied and hated; and that a benevolent man should allow a few faults in
himself, to keep his friends in countenance.
In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order;
and now I am grown old, and my memory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of
it. But, on the whole, tho' I never
arrived at the perfection I had been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far
short of it, yet I was, by the endeavour, a better and a happier man than I
otherwise should have been if I had not attempted it; as those who aim at
perfect writing by imitating the engraved copies, tho' they never reach the
wish'd-for excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the endeavor,
and is tolerable while it continues fair and legible.
It may be well my posterity should be informed that to this
little artifice, with the blessing of God, their ancestor ow'd the constant
felicity of his life, down to his 79th year, in which this is written. What reverses may attend the remainder is in
the hand of Providence; but, if they arrive, the reflection on past happiness
enjoy'd ought to help his bearing them with more resignation. To Temperance he ascribes his long-continued
health, and what is still left to him of a good constitution; to Industry and Frugality,
the early easiness of his circumstances and acquisition of his fortune, with
all that knowledge that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for
him some degree of reputation among the learned; to Sincerity and Justice, the
confidence of his country, and the honorable employs it conferred upon him; and
to the joint influence of the whole mass of the virtues, even in the imperfect
state he was able to acquire them, all that evenness of temper, and that
cheerfulness in conversation, which makes his company still sought for, and
agreeable even to his younger acquaintance.
I hope, therefore, that some of my descendants may follow the example
and reap the benefit.
It will be remark'd that, tho' my scheme was not wholly
without religion, there was in it no mark of any of the distingishing tenets of
any particular sect. I had purposely
avoided them; for, being fully persuaded of the utility and excellency of my
method, and that it might be serviceable to people in all religions, and
intending some time or other to publish it, I would not have any thing in it
that should prejudice any one, of any sect, against it. I purposed writing a little comment on each
virtue, in which I would have shown the advantages of possessing it, and the
mischiefs attending its opposite vice; and I should have called my book THE ART
OF VIRTUE,<7> because it would have shown the means and manner of
obtaining virtue, which would have distinguished it from the mere exhortation
to be good, that does not instruct and indicate the means, but is like the
apostle's man of verbal charity, who only without showing to the naked and
hungry how or where they might get clothes or victuals, exhorted them to be fed
and clothed.--James ii. 15, 16.
<7> Nothing so likely to make a man's fortune as
virtue. --[Marg. note.]
But it so happened that my intention of writing and
publishing this comment was never fulfilled.
I did, indeed, from time to time, put down short hints of the
sentiments, reasonings, etc., to be made use of in it, some of which I have
still by me; but the necessary close attention to private business in the
earlier part of thy life, and public business since, have occasioned my
postponing it; for, it being connected in my mind with a great and extensive
project, that required the whole man to execute, and which an unforeseen
succession of employs prevented my attending to, it has hitherto remain'd
unfinish'd.
In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this
doctrine, that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but
forbidden because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone considered; that it
was, therefore, every one's interest to be virtuous who wish'd to be happy even
in this world; and I should, from this circumstance (there being always in the
world a number of rich merchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have need
of honest instruments for the management of their affairs, and such being so
rare), have endeavored to convince young persons that no qualities were so
likely to make a poor man's fortune as those of probity and integrity.
My list of virtues contain'd at first but twelve; but a
Quaker friend having kindly informed me that I was generally thought proud;
that my pride show'd itself frequently in conversation; that I was not content
with being in the right when discussing any point, but was overbearing, and
rather insolent, of which he convinc'd me by mentioning several instances; I
determined endeavouring to cure myself, if I could, of this vice or folly among
the rest, and I added Humility to my list) giving an extensive meaning to the
word.
I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the reality of
this virtue, but I had a good deal with regard to the appearance of it. I made it a rule to forbear all direct
contradiction to the sentiments of others, and all positive assertion of my
own. I even forbid myself, agreeably to
the old laws of our Junto, the use of every word or expression in the language
that imported a fix'd opinion, such as certainly, undoubtedly, etc., and I
adopted, instead of them, I conceive, I apprehend, or I imagine a thing to be
so or so; or it so appears to me at present.
When another asserted something that I thought an error, I deny'd myself
the pleasure of contradicting him abruptly, and of showing immediately some
absurdity in his proposition; and in answering I began by observing that in
certain cases or circumstances his opinion would be right, but in the present
case there appear'd or seem'd to me some difference, etc. I soon found the advantage of this change in
my manner; the conversations I engag'd in went on more pleasantly. The modest way in which I propos'd my
opinions procur'd them a readier recep tion and less contradiction; I had less
mortification when I was found to be in the wrong, and I more easily prevail'd
with others to give up their mistakes and join with me when I happened to be in
the right.
And this mode, which I at first put on with some violence to
natural inclination, became at length so easy, and so habitual to me, that
perhaps for these fifty years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical
expression escape me. And to this habit
(after my character of integrity) I think it principally owing that I had early
so much weight with my fellow-citizens when I proposed new institutions, or
alterations in the old, and so much influence in public councils when I became
a member; for I was but a bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to much
hesitation in my choice of words, hardly correct in language, and yet I
generally carried my points.
In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural
passions so hard to subdue as pride.
Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down, stifle it, mortify it as
much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will every now and then peep out
and show itself; you will see it, perhaps, often in this history; for, even if
I could conceive that I had compleatly overcome it, I should probably be proud
of my humility.
[Thus far written at Passy, 1741.]
["I am now about to write at home, August, 1788, but
can not have the help expected from my papers, many of them being lost in the
war. I have, however, found the
following."]<8>
<8>This is a marginal memorandum.--B.
HAVING mentioned a great and extensive project which I had
conceiv'd, it seems proper that some account should be here given of that
project and its object. Its first rise
in my mind appears in the following little paper, accidentally preserv'd, viz.:
Observations on my reading history, in Library, May 19th,
1731.
"That the great affairs of the world, the wars,
revolutions, etc., are carried on and affected by parties.
"That the view of these parties is their present
general interest, or what they take to be such.
"That the different views of these different parties
occasion all confusion.
"That while a party is carrying on a general design,
each man has his particular private interest in view.
"That as soon as a party has gain'd its general point,
each member becomes intent upon his particular interest; which, thwarting
others, breaks that party into divisions, and occasions more confusion.
"That few in public affairs act from a meer view of the
good of their country, whatever they may pretend; and, tho' their actings bring
real good to their country, yet men primarily considered that their own and
their country's interest was united, and did not act from a principle of
benevolence.
"That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view
to the good of mankind.
"There seems to me at present to be great occasion for
raising a United Party for Virtue, by forming the virtuous and good men of all
nations into a regular body, to be govern'd by suitable good and wise rules,
which good and wise men may probably be more unanimous in their obedience to,
than common people are to common laws.
"I at present think that whoever attempts this aright,
and is well qualified, can not fail of pleasing God, and of meeting with
success. B. F."
Revolving this project in my mind, as to be undertaken
hereafter, when my circumstances should afford me the necessary leisure, I put
down from time to time, on pieces of paper, such thoughts as occurr'd to me
respecting it. Most of these are lost;
but I find one purporting to be the substance of an intended creed) containing,
as I thought, the essentials of every known religion, and being free of every
thing that might shock the professors of any religion. It is express'd in these words, viz.:
"That there is one God, who made all things.
"That he governs the world by his providence.
"That he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer,
and thanksgiving.
"But that the most acceptable service of God is doing
good to man.
"That the soul is immortal.
"And that God will certainly reward virtue and punish
vice either here or hereafter."<9>
<9> In the Middle Ages, Franklin, if such a phenomenon
as Franklin were possible in the Middle Ages, would probably have been the
founder of a monastic order.--B.
My ideas at that time were, that the sect should be begun
and spread at first among young and single men only; that each person to be
initiated should not only declare his assent to such creed, but should have
exercised himself with the thirteen weeks' examination and practice of the
virtues) as in the before-mention'd model; that the existence of such a society
should he kept a secret, till it was become considerable, to prevent
solicitations for the admission of improper persons, but that the members
should each of them search among his acquaintance for ingenuous, well-disposed
youths, to whom, with prudent caution, the scheme should be grad ually
communicated; that the members should engage to afford their advice,
assistance, and support to each other in promoting one another's interests,
business, and advancement in life; that, for distinction, we should be call'd
The Society of the Free and Easy: free,
as being, by the general practice and habit of the virtues, free from the
dominion of vice; and particularly by the practice of industry and frugality,
free from debt, which exposes a man to confinement, and a species of slavery to
his creditors.
This is as much as I can now recollect of the project,
except that I communicated it in part to two young men, who adopted it with
some enthusiasm; but my then narrow circumstances, and the necessity I was
under of sticking close to my business, occasion'd my postponing the further
prosecution of it at that time; and my multifarious occupations, public and
private, induc'd me to continue postponing, so that it has been omitted till I
have no longer strength or activity left sufficient for such an enterprise;
tho' I am still of opinion that it was a practicable scheme, and might have
been very useful, by forming a great number of good citizens; and I was not discourag'd
by the seeming magnitude of the undertaking, as I have always thought that one
man of tolerable abilities may work great changes, and accomplish great affairs
among mankind, if he first forms a good plan, and, cutting off all amusements
or other employments that would divert his attention, makes the execution of
that same plan his sole study and business.
In 1732 I first publish'd my Almanack, under the name of
Richard Saunders; it was continu'd by me about twenty-five years, commonly
call'd Poor Richard's Almanac. I
endeavor'd to make it both entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to
be in such demand, that I reap'd considerable profit from it, vending annually
near ten thousand. And observing that it
was generally read, scarce any neighborhood in the province being without it, I
consider'd it as a proper vehicle for conveying instruction among the common
people, who bought scarcely any other books; I therefore filled all the little
spaces that occurr'd between the remarkable days in the calendar with
proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated industry and frugality, as the
means of procuring wealth, and thereby securing virtue; it being more difficult
for a man in want, to act always honestly, as, to use here one of those proverbs,
it is hard for an empty sack to stand up-right.
These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many ages and
nations, I assembled and form'd into a connected discourse prefix'd to the
Almanack of 1757, as the harangue of a wise old man to the people attending an
auction. The bringing all these
scatter'd counsels thus into a focus enabled them to make greater
impression. The piece, being universally
approved, was copied in all the newspapers of the Continent; reprinted in
Britain on a broad side, to be stuck up in houses; two translations were made
of it in French, and great numbers bought by the clergy and gentry, to
distribute gratis among their poor parishioners and tenants. In Pennsylvania, as it discouraged useless
expense in foreign superfluities, some thought it had its share of influence in
producing that growing plenty of money which was observable for several years
after its publication.
I considered my newspaper, also, as another means of
communicating instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in it extracts
from the Spectator, and other moral writers; and sometimes publish'd little
pieces of my own, which had been first compos'd for reading in our Junto. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to
prove that, whatever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man could not
properly be called a man of sense; and a discourse on self-denial, showing that
virtue was not secure till its practice became a habitude, and was free from
the opposition of contrary inclinations.
These may be found in the papers about the beginning Of 1735.
In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully excluded all
libelling and personal abuse, which is of late years become so disgraceful to
our country. Whenever I was solicited to
insert anything of that kind, and the writers pleaded, as they generally did,
the liberty of the press, and that a newspaper was like a stagecoach, in which
any one who would pay had a right to a place, my answer was, that I would print
the piece separately if desired, and the author might have as many copies as he
pleased to distribute himself, but that I would not take upon me to spread his
detraction; and that, having contracted with my subscribers to furnish them
with what might be either useful or entertaining, I could not fill their papers
with private altercation, in which they had no concern, without doing them
manifest injustice. Now, many of our
printers make no scruple of gratifying the malice of individuals by false
accusations of the fairest characters among ourselves, augmenting animosity
even to the producing of duels; and are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print
scurrilous reflections on the government of neighboring states, and even on the
conduct of our best national allies, which may be attended with the most
pernicious consequences. These things I
mention as a caution to young printers, and that they may be encouraged not to
pollute their presses and disgrace their profession by such infamous practices,
but refuse steadily, as they may see by my example that such a course of
conduct will not, on the whole, be injurious to their interests.
In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charleston, South
Carolina, where a printer was wanting. I
furnish'd him with a press and letters, on an agreement of partnership, by
which I was to receive one-third of the profits of the business, paying
one-third of the expense. He was a man
of learning, and honest but ignorant in matters of account; and, tho' he
sometimes made me remittances, I could get no account from him, nor any satisfactory
state of our partnership while he lived.
On his decease, the business was continued by his widow, who, being born
and bred in Holland, where, as I have been inform'd, the knowledge of accounts
makes a part of female education, she not only sent me as clear a state as she
could find of the transactions past, but continued to account with the greatest
regularity and exactness every quarter afterwards, and managed the business
with such success, that she not only brought up reputably a family of children,
but, at the expiration of the term, was able to purchase of me the
printing-house, and establish her son in it.
I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recommending
that branch of education for our young females, as likely to be of more use to them
and their children, in case of widowhood, than either music or dancing, by
preserving them from losses by imposition of crafty men, and enabling them to
continue, perhaps, a profitable mercantile house, with establish'd
correspondence, till a son is grown up fit to undertake and go on with it, to
the lasting advantage and enriching of the family.
About the year 1734 there arrived among us from Ireland a
young Presbyterian preacher, named Hemphill, who delivered with a good voice,
and apparently extempore, most excellent discourses, which drew together
considerable numbers of different persuasion, who join'd in admiring them. Among the rest, I became one of his constant
hearers, his sermons pleasing me, as they had little of the dogmatical kind,
but inculcated strongly the practice of virtue, or what in the religious stile
are called good works. Those, however,
of our congregation, who considered themselves as orthodox Presbyterians,
disapprov'd his doctrine, and were join'd by most of the old clergy, who
arraign'd him of heterodoxy before the synod, in order to have him silenc'd. I
became his zealous partisan, and contributed all I could to raise a party in
his favour, and we combated for him a while with some hopes of success. There was much scribbling pro and con upon
the occasion; and finding that, tho' an elegant preacher, he was but a poor
writer, I lent him my pen and wrote for him two or three pamphlets, and one
piece in the Gazette of April, 1735.
Those pamphlets, as is generally the case with controversial writings,
tho' eagerly read at the time, were soon out of vogue, and I question whether a
single copy of them now exists.
During the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his cause
exceedingly. One of our adversaries
having heard him preach a sermon that was much admired, thought he had
somewhere read the sermon before, or at least a part of it. On search he found that part quoted at
length, in one of the British Reviews, from a discourse of Dr. Foster's. This
detection gave many of our party disgust, who accordingly abandoned his cause,
and occasion'd our more speedy discomfiture in the synod. I stuck by him, however, as I rather approv'd
his giving us good sermons compos'd by others, than bad ones of his own
manufacture, tho' the latter was the practice of our common teachers. He afterward acknowledg'd to me that none of
those he preach'd were his own; adding, that his memory was such as enabled him
to retain and repeat any sermon after one reading only. On our defeat, he left us in search elsewhere
of better fortune, and I quitted the congregation, never joining it after, tho'
I continu'd many years my subscription for the support of its ministers.
I had begun in 1733 to study languages; I soon made myself
so much a master of the French as to be able to read the books with ease. I then undertook the Italian. An acquaintance, who was also learning it,
us'd often to tempt me to play chess with him.
Finding this took up too much of the time I had to spare for study, I at
length refus'd to play any more, unless on this condition, that the victor in
every game should have a right to impose a task, either in parts of the grammar
to be got by heart, or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish'd was to
perform upon honour, before our next meeting.
As we play'd pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that
language. I afterwards with a little
painstaking, acquir'd as much of the Spanish as to read their books also.
I have already mention'd that I had only one year's
instruction in a Latin school, and that when very young, after which I
neglected that language entirely. But,
when I had attained an acquaintance with the French, Italian, and Spanish, I
was surpriz'd to find, on looking over a Latin Testament, that I understood so
much more of that language than I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply
myself again to the study of it, and I met with more success, as those
preceding languages had greatly smooth'd my way.
From these circumstances, I have thought that there is some
inconsistency in our common mode of teaching languages. We are told that it is proper to begin first
with the Latin, and, having acquir'd that, it will be more easy to attain those
modern languages which are deriv'd from it; and yet we do not begin with the Greek,
in order more easily to acquire the Latin.
It is true that, if you can clamber and get to the top of a staircase
without using the steps, you will more easily gain them in descending; but
certainly, if you begin with the lowest you will with more ease ascend to the
top; and I would therefore offer it to the consideration of those who
superintend the education of our youth, whether, since many of those who begin
with the Latin quit the same after spending some years without having made any
great proficiency, and what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that
their time has been lost, it would not have been better to have begun with the
French, proceeding to the Italian, etc.; for, tho', after spending the same
time, they should quit the study of languages and never arrive at the Latin,
they would, however, have acquired another tongue or two, that, being in modern
use, might be serviceable to them in common life.
After ten years' absence from Boston, and having become easy
in my circumstances, I made a journey thither to visit my relations, which I
could not sooner well afford. In
returning, I call'd at Newport to see my brother, then settled there with his
printing-house. Our former differences were forgotten, and our meeting was very
cordial and affectionate. He was fast
declining in his health, and requested of me that, in case of his death, which
he apprehended not far distant, I would take home his son, then but ten years
of age, and bring him up to the printing business. This I accordingly perform'd, sending him a
few years to school before I took him into the office. His mother carried on the business till he
was grown up, when I assisted him with an assortment of new types, those of his
father being in a manner worn out. Thus
it was that I made my brother ample amends for the service I had depriv'd him
of by leaving him so early.
In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years old,
by the small-pox, taken in the common way.
I long regretted bitterly, and still regret that I had not given it to
him by inoculation. This I mention for
the sake of parents who omit that operation, on the supposition that they
should never forgive themselves if a child died under it; my example showing
that the regret may be the same either way, and that, therefore, the safer
should be chosen.
Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded such
satisfaction to the members, that several were desirous of introducing their
friends, which could not well be done without exceeding what we had settled as
a convenient number, viz., twelve. We
had from the beginning made it a rule to keep our institution a secret, which
was pretty well observ'd; the intention was to avoid applications of improper
persons for admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult to
refuse. I was one of those who were
against any addition to our number, but, instead of it, made in writing a
proposal, that every member separately should endeavor to form a subordinate
club, with the same rules respecting queries, etc., and without informing them
of the connection with the Junto. The
advantages proposed were, the improvement of so many more young citizens by the
use of our institutions; our better acquaintance with the general sentiments of
the inhabitants on any occasion, as the Junto member might propose what queries
we should desire, and was to report to the Junto what pass'd in his separate
club; the promotion of our particular interests in business by more extensive
recommendation, and the increase of our influence in public affairs, and our
power of doing good by spreading thro' the several clubs the sentiments of the
Junto.
The project was approv'd, and every member undertook to form
his club, but they did not all succeed.
Five or six only were compleated, which were called by different names,
as the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc.
They were useful to themselves, and afforded us a good deal of
amusement, information, and instruction, besides answering, in some considerable
degree, our views of influencing the public opinion on particular occasions, of
which I shall give some instances in course of time as they happened.
My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, clerk of
the General Assembly. The choice was
made that year without opposition; but the year following, when I was again
propos'd (the choice, like that of the members, being annual), a new member
made a long speech against me, in order to favour some other candidate. I was, however, chosen, which was the more
agreeable to me, as, besides the pay for the immediate service as clerk, the
place gave me a better opportunity of keeping up an interest among the members,
which secur'd to me the business of printing the votes, laws, paper money, and
other occasional jobbs for the public, that, on the whole, were very
profitable.
I therefore did not like the opposition of this new member,
who was a gentleman of fortune and education, with talents that were likely to
give him, in time, great influence in the House, which, indeed, afterwards
happened. I did not, however, aim at
gaining his favour by paying any servile respect to him, but, after some time,
took this other method. Having heard
that he had in his library a certain very scarce and curious book, I wrote a
note to him, expressing my desire of perusing that book, and requesting he
would do me the favour of lending it to me for a few days. He sent it immediately, and I return'd it in
about a week with another note, expressing strongly my sense of the favour. When we next met in the House, he spoke to me
(which he had never done before), and with great civility; and he ever after
manifested a readiness to serve me on all occasions, so that we became great
friends, and our friendship continued to his death. This is another instance of the truth of an
old maxim I had learned, which says, "He that has once done you a kindness
will be more ready to do you another, than he whom you yourself have
obliged." And it shows how much
more profitable it is prudently to remove, than to resent, return, and continue
inimical proceedings.
In 1737, Colonel Spotswood, late governor of Virginia, and
then postmaster-general, being dissatisfied with the conduct of his deputy at
Philadelphia, respecting some negligence in rendering, and inexactitude of his
accounts, took from him the commission and offered it to me. I accepted it readily, and found it of great
advantage; for, tho' the salary was small, it facilitated the correspondence
that improv'd my newspaper, increas'd the number demanded, as well as the
advertisements to be inserted, so that it came to afford me a considerable
income. My old competitor's newspaper
declin'd proportionably, and I was satisfy'd without retaliating his refusal,
while postmaster, to permit my papers being carried by the riders. Thus he suffer'd greatly from his neglect in
due accounting; and I mention it as a lesson to those young men who may be
employ'd in managing affairs for others, that they should always render
accounts, and make remittances, with great clearness and punctuality. The character of observing such a conduct is
the most powerful of all recommendations to new employments and increase of
business.
I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public affairs,
beginning, however, with small matters.
The city watch was one of the first things that I conceiv'd to want
regulation. It was managed by the
constables of the respective wards in turn; the constable warned a number of
housekeepers to attend him for the night.
Those who chose never to attend paid him six shillings a year to be
excus'd, which was suppos'd to be for hiring substitutes, but was, in reality,
much more than was necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a
place of profit; and the constable, for a little drink, often got such
ragamuffins about him as a watch, that respectable housekeepers did not choose
to mix with. Walking the rounds, too,
was often neglected, and most of the nights spent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper, to be read in
Junto, representing these irregularities, but insisting more particularly on
the inequality of this six-shilling tax of the constables, respecting the
circumstances of those who paid it, since a poor widow housekeeper, all whose
property to be guarded by the watch did not perhaps exceed the value of fifty
pounds, paid as much as the wealthiest merchant, who had thousands of pounds
worth of goods in his stores.
On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, the
hiring of proper men to serve constantly in that business; and as a more
equitable way of supporting the charge the levying a tax that should be
proportion'd to the property. This idea,
being approv'd by the Junto, was communicated to the other clubs, but as
arising in each of them; and though the plan was not immediately carried into
execution, yet, by preparing the minds of people for the change, it paved the
way for the law obtained a few years after, when the members of our clubs were
grown into more influence.
About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read in Junto, but
it was afterward publish'd) on the different accidents and carelessnesses by
which houses were set on fire, with cautions against them, and means proposed
of avoiding them. This was much spoken
of as a useful piece, and gave rise to a project, which soon followed it, of
forming a company for the more ready extinguishing of fires, and mutual
assistance in removing and securing the goods when in danger. Associates in this scheme were presently
found, amounting to thirty. Our articles
of agreement oblig'd every member to keep always in good order, and fit for
use, a certain number of leather buckets, with strong bags and baskets (for
packing and transporting of goods), which were to be brought to every fire; and
we agreed to meet once a month and spend a social evening together, in
discoursing and communicating such ideas as occurred to us upon the subject of
fires, as might be useful in our conduct on such occasions.
The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more
desiring to be admitted than we thought convenient for one company, they were
advised to form another, which was accordingly done; and this went on, one new
company being formed after another, till they became so numerous as to include
most of the inhabitants who were men of property; and now, at the time of my
writing this, tho' upward of fifty years since its establishment, that which I
first formed, called the Union Fire Company, still subsists and flourishes,
tho' the first members are all deceas'd but myself and one, who is older by a
year than I am. The small fines that
have been paid by members for absence at the monthly meetings have been apply'd
to the purchase of fire-engines, ladders, fire-hooks, and other useful
implements for each company, so that I question whether there is a city in the
world better provided with the means of putting a stop to beginning
conflagrations; and, in fact, since these institutions, the city has never lost
by fire more than one or two houses at a time, and the flames have often been
extinguished before the house in which they began has been half consumed.
In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr.
Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there as an itinerant
preacher. He was at first permitted to
preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon
refus'd him their pulpits, and he was oblig'd to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all sects and denominations
that attended his sermons were enormous, and it was matter of speculation to
me, who was one of the number, to observe the extraordinary influence of his
oratory on his hearers, and bow much they admir'd and respected him,
notwithstanding his common abuse of them, by assuring them that they were
naturally half beasts and half devils.
It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners of our
inhabitants. From being thoughtless or
indifferent about religion, it seem'd as if all the world were growing
religious, so that one could not walk thro' the town in an evening without
hearing psalms sung in different families of every street.
And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air,
subject to its inclemencies, the building of a house to meet in was no sooner
propos'd, and persons appointed to receive contributions, but sufficient sums
were soon receiv'd to procure the ground and erect the building, which was one
hundred feet long and seventy broad, about the size of Westminster Hall; and
the work was carried on with such spirit as to be finished in a much shorter
time than could have been expected. Both
house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of any preacher
of any religious persuasion who might desire to say something to the people at
Philadelphia; the design in building not being to accommodate any particular
sect, but the inhabitants in general; so that even if the Mufti of
Constantinople were to send a missionary to preach Mohammedanism to us, he
would find a pulpit at his service.
Mr. Whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all the way
thro' the colonies to Georgia. The
settlement of that province had lately been begun, but, instead of being made
with hardy, industrious husbandmen, accustomed to labor, the only people fit
for such an enterprise, it was with families of broken shop-keepers and other
insolvent debtors, many of indolent and idle habits, taken out of the jails,
who, being set down in the woods, unqualified for clearing land, and unable to
endure the hardships of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many
helpless children unprovided for. The
sight of their miserable situation inspir'd the benevolent heart of Mr.
Whitefield with the idea of building an Orphan House there, in which they might
be supported and educated. Returning
northward, he preach'd up this charity, and made large collections, for his
eloquence had a wonderful power over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of
which I myself was an instance.
I did not disapprove of the design, but, as Georgia was then
destitute of materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send them from
Philadelphia at a great expense, I thought it would have been better to have
built the house here, and brought the children to it. This I advis'd; but he was resolute in his
first project, rejected my counsel, and I therefore refus'd to contribute. I happened soon after to attend one of his
sermons, in the course of which I perceived he intended to finish with a
collection, and I silently resolved he should get nothing from me, I had in my
pocket a handful of copper money, three or four silver dollars, and five
pistoles in gold. As he proceeded I
began to soften, and concluded to give the coppers. Another stroke of his oratory made me asham'd
of that, and determin'd me to give the silver; and he finish'd so admirably,
that I empty'd my pocket wholly into the collector's dish, gold and all. At this sermon there was also one of our
club, who, being of my sentiments respecting the building in Georgia, and
suspecting a collection might be intended, had, by precaution, emptied his
pockets before he came from home.
Towards the conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong
desire to give, and apply'd to a neighbour, who stood near him, to borrow some
money for the purpose. The application
was unfortunately [made] to perhaps the only man in the company who had the
firmness not to be affected by the preacher.
His answer was, "At any other time, Friend Hopkinson, I would lend
to thee freely; but not now, for thee seems to be out of thy right senses."
Some of Mr. Whitefield's enemies affected to suppose that he
would apply these collections to his own private emolument; but I who was
intimately acquainted with him (being employed in printing his Sermons and
Journals, etc.), never had the least suspicion of his integrity, but am to this
day decidedly of opinion that he was in all his conduct a perfectly honest man,
and methinks my testimony in his favour ought to have the more weight, as we
had no religious connection. He us'd,
indeed, sometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had the satisfaction of
believing that his prayers were heard.
Ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere on both sides, and lasted to
his death.
The following instance will show something of the terms on
which we stood. Upon one of his arrivals
from England at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come soon to
Philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodge when there, as he understood
his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet, was removed to Germantown. My answer was, "You know my house; if
you can make shift with its scanty accommodations, you will be most heartily
welcome." He reply'd, that if I
made that kind offer for Christ's sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I returned, "Don't let me be
mistaken; it was not for Christ's sake, but for your sake." One of our common acquaintance jocosely
remark'd, that, knowing it to be the custom of the saints, when they received
any favour, to shift the burden of the obligation from off their own shoulders,
and place it in heaven, I had contriv'd to fix it on earth.
The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when he
consulted me about his Orphan House concern, and his purpose of appropriating
it to the establishment of a college.
He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and
sentences so perfectly, that he might be heard and understood at a great
distance, especially as his auditories, however numerous, observ'd the most
exact silence. He preach'd one evening
from the top of the Court-house steps, which are in the middle of
Market-street, and on the west side of Second-street, which crosses it at right
angles. Both streets were fill'd with
his hearers to a considerable distance.
Being among the hindmost in Market-street, I had the curiosity to learn
how far he could be heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards the
river; and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front-street, when some
noise in that street obscur'd it.
Imagining then a semi-circle, of which my distance should be the radius,
and that it were fill'd with auditors, to each of whom I allow'd two square
feet, I computed that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconcil'd me to the newspaper accounts
of his having preach'd to twenty-five thousand people in the fields, and to the
antient histories of generals haranguing whole armies, of which I had sometimes
doubted.
By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily between
sermons newly compos'd, and those which he had often preach'd in the course of
his travels. His delivery of the latter
was so improv'd by frequent repetitions that every accent, every emphasis,
every modulation of voice, was so perfectly well turn'd and well plac'd, that,
without being interested in the subject, one could not help being pleas'd with
the discourse; a pleasure of much the same kind with that receiv'd from an
excellent piece of musick. This is an
advantage itinerant preachers have over those who are stationary, as the latter
can not well improve their delivery of a sermon by so many rehearsals.
His writing and printing from time to time gave great
advantage to his enemies; unguarded expressions, and even erroneous opinions,
delivered in preaching, might have been afterwards explain'd or qualifi'd by
supposing others that might have accompani'd them, or they might have been
deny'd; but litera scripta monet.
Critics attack'd his writings violently, and with so much appearance of
reason as to diminish the number of his votaries and prevent their encrease; so
that I am of opinion if he had never written any thing, he would have left
behind him a much more numerous and important sect, and his reputation might in
that case have been still growing, even after his death, as there being nothing
of his writing on which to found a censure and give him a lower character, his
proselytes would be left at liberty to feign for him as great a variety of
excellence as their enthusiastic admiration might wish him to have possessed.
My business was now continually augmenting, and my
circumstances growing daily easier, my newspaper having become very profitable,
as being for a time almost the only one in this and the neighbouring
provinces. I experienced, too, the truth
of the observation, "that after getting the first hundred pound, it is
more easy to get the second," money itself being of a prolific nature.
The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I was
encourag'd to engage in others, and to promote several of my workmen, who had
behaved well, by establishing them with printing-houses in different colonies,
on the same terms with that in Carolina.
Most of them did well, being enabled at the end of our term, six years,
to purchase the types of me and go on working for themselves, by which means
several families were raised.
Partnerships often finish in quarrels; but I was happy in this, that
mine were all carried on and ended amicably, owing, I think, a good deal to the
precaution of having very explicitly settled, in our articles, every thing to
be done by or expected from each partner, so that there was nothing to dispute,
which precaution I would therefore recommend to all who enter into
partnerships; for, whatever esteem partners may have for, and confidence in
each other at the time of the contract, little jealousies and disgusts may
arise, with ideas of inequality in the care and burden of the business, etc.,
which are attended often with breach of friendship and of the connection,
perhaps with lawsuits and other disagreeable consequences.
I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied with my
being established in Pennsylvania. There
were, however, two things that I regretted, there being no provision for
defense, nor for a compleat education of youth; no militia, nor any college. I therefore, in 1743, drew up a proposal for
establishing an academy; and at that time, thinking the Reverend Mr. Peters,
who was out of employ, a fit person to superintend such an institution, I
communicated the project to him; but he, having more profitable views in the
service of the proprietaries, which succeeded, declin'd the undertaking; and,
not knowing another at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the scheme
lie a while dormant. I succeeded better
the next year, 1744, in proposing and establishing a Philosophical
Society. The paper I wrote for that purpose
will be found among my writings, when collected.
With respect to defense, Spain having been several years at
war against Great Britain, and being at length join'd by France, which brought
us into great danger; and the laboured and long-continued endeavour of our
governor, Thomas, to prevail with our Quaker Assembly to pass a militia law,
and make other provisions for the security of the province, having proved
abortive, I determined to try what might be done by a voluntary association of
the people. To promote this, I first
wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled PLAIN TRUTH, in which I stated our
defenceless situation in strong lights, with the necessity of union and
discipline for our defense, and promis'd to propose in a few days an
association, to be generally signed for that purpose. The pamphlet had a sudden and surprising
effect. I was call'd upon for the
instrument of association, and having settled the draft of it with a few
friends, I appointed a meeting of the citizens in the large building before
mentioned. The house was pretty full; I
had prepared a number of printed copies, and provided pens and ink dispers'd
all over the room. I harangued them a
little on the subject, read the paper, and explained it, and then distributed
the copies, which were eagerly signed, not the least objection being made.
When the company separated, and the papers were collected,
we found above twelve hundred hands; and, other copies being dispersed in the
country, the subscribers amounted at length to upward of ten thousand. These all furnished themselves as soon as
they could with arms, formed themselves into companies and regiments, chose
their own officers, and met every week to be instructed in the manual exercise,
and other parts of military discipline.
The women, by subscriptions among themselves, provided silk colors,
which they presented to the companies, painted with different devices and
mottos, which I supplied.
The officers of the companies composing the Philadelphia
regiment, being met, chose me for their colonel; but, conceiving myself unfit,
I declin'd that station, and recommended Mr. Lawrence, a fine person, and man
of influence, who was accordingly appointed.
I then propos'd a lottery to defray the expense of building a battery
below the town, and furnishing it with cannon.
It filled expeditiously, and the battery was soon erected, the merlons
being fram'd of logs and fill'd with earth.
We bought some old cannon from Boston, but, these not being sufficient,
we wrote to England for more, soliciting, at the same time, our proprietaries
for some assistance, tho' without much expectation of obtaining it.
Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram Taylor,
Esqr., and myself were sent to New York by the associators, commission'd to
borrow some cannon of Governor Clinton.
He at first refus'd us peremptorily; but at dinner with his council,
where there was great drinking of Madeira wine, as the custom of that place
then was, he softened by degrees, and said he would lend us six. After a few more bumpers he advanc'd to ten;
and at length he very good-naturedly conceded eighteen. They were fine cannon, eighteen-pounders,
with their carriages, which we soon transported and mounted on our battery,
where the associators kept a nightly guard while the war lasted, and among the
rest I regularly took my turn of duty there as a common soldier.
My activity in these operations was agreeable to the
governor and council; they took me into confidence, and I was consulted by them
in every measure wherein their concurrence was thought useful to the
association. Calling in the aid of
religion, I propos'd to them the proclaiming a fast, to promote reformation,
and implore the blessing of Heaven on our undertaking. They embrac'd the motion; but, as it was the
first fast ever thought of in the province, the secretary had no precedent from
which to draw the proclamation. My
education in New England, where a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of
some advantage: I drew it in the
accustomed stile, it was translated into German, printed in both languages, and
divulg'd thro' the province. This gave
the clergy of the different sects an opportunity of influencing their
congregations to join in the association, and it would probably have been
general among all but Quakers if the peace had not soon interven'd.
It was thought by some of my friends that, by my activity in
these affairs, I should offend that sect, and thereby lose my interest in the
Assembly of the province, where they formed a great majority. A young gentleman who had likewise some
friends in the House, and wished to succeed me as their clerk, acquainted me
that it was decided to displace me at the next election; and he, therefore, in
good will, advis'd me to resign, as more consistent with my honour than being
turn'd out. My answer to him was, that I
had read or heard of some public man who made it a rule never to ask for an
office, and never to refuse one when offer'd to him. "I approve," says I, "of his
rule, and will practice it with a small addition; I shall never ask, never
refuse, nor ever resign an office. If
they will have my office of clerk to dispose of to another, they shall take it
from me. I will not, by giving it up,
lose my right of some time or other making reprisals on my adversaries." I heard, however, no more of this; I was
chosen again unanimously as usual at the next election. Possibly, as they dislik'd my late intimacy
with the members of council, who had join'd the governors in all the disputes
about military preparations, with which the House had long been harass'd, they
might have been pleas'd if I would voluntarily have left them; but they did not
care to displace me on account merely of my zeal for the association, and they
could not well give another reason.
Indeed I had some cause to believe that the defense of the
country was not disagreeable to any of them, provided they were not requir'd to
assist in it. And I found that a much
greater number of them than I could have imagined, tho' against offensive war,
were clearly for the defensive. Many
pamphlets pro and con were publish'd on the subject, and some by good Quakers,
in favour of defense, which I believe convinc'd most of their younger people.
A transaction in our fire company gave me some insight into
their prevailing sentiments. It had been
propos'd that we should encourage the scheme for building a battery by laying
out the present stock, then about sixty pounds, in tickets of the lottery. By our rules, no money could be dispos'd of
till the next meeting after the proposal.
The company consisted of thirty members, of which twenty-two were
Quakers, and eight only of other persuasions.
We eight punctually attended the meeting; but, tho' we thought that some
of the Quakers would join us, we were by no means sure of a majority. Only one Quaker, Mr. James Morris, appear'd
to oppose the measure. He expressed much
sorrow that it had ever been propos'd, as he said Friends were all against it,
and it would create such discord as might break up the company. We told him that we saw no reason for that;
we were the minority, and if Friends were against the measure, and outvoted us,
we must and should, agreeably to the usage of all societies, submit. When the hour for business arriv'd it was
mov'd to put the vote; he allow'd we might then do it by the rules, but, as he
could assure us that a number of members intended to be present for the purpose
of opposing it, it would be but candid to allow a little time for their
appearing.
While we were disputing this, a waiter came to tell me two
gentlemen below desir'd to speak with me.
I went down, and found they were two of our Quaker members. They told me there were eight of them
assembled at a tavern just by; that they were determin'd to come and vote with
us if there should be occasion, which they hop'd would not be the case, and
desir'd we would not call for their assistance if we could do without it, as
their voting for such a measure might embroil them with their elders and
friends. Being thus secure of a
majority, I went up, and after a little seeming hesitation, agreed to a delay
of another hour. This Mr. Morris allow'd
to be extreamly fair. Not one of his
opposing friends appear'd, at which he express'd great surprize; and, at the
expiration of the hour, we carry'd the resolution eight to one; and as, of the
twenty-two Quakers, eight were ready to vote with us, and thirteen, by their
absence, manifested that they were not inclin'd to oppose the measure, I
afterward estimated the proportion of Quakers sincerely against defense as one
to twenty-one only; for these were all regular members of that society, and in
good reputation among them, and had due notice of what was propos'd at that
meeting.
The honorable and learned Mr. Logan, who had always been of
that sect, was one who wrote an address to them, declaring his approbation of
defensive war, and supporting his opinion by many strong arguments. He put into my hands sixty pounds to be laid
out in lottery tickets for the battery, with directions to apply what prizes
might be drawn wholly to that service.
He told me the following anecdote of his old master, William Penn,
respecting defense. He came over from
England, when a young man, with that proprietary, and as his secretary. It was war-time, and their ship was chas'd by
an armed vessel, suppos'd to be an enemy.
Their captain prepar'd for defense; but told William Penn and his
company of Quakers, that he did not expect their assistance, and they might
retire into the cabin, which they did, except James Logan, who chose to stay
upon deck, and was quarter'd to a gun.
The suppos'd enemy prov'd a friend, so there was no fighting; but when
the secretary went down to communicate the intelligence, William Penn rebuk'd
him severely for staying upon deck, and undertaking to assist in defending the
vessel, contrary to the principles of Friends, especially as it had not been
required by the captain. This reproof,
being before all the company, piqu'd the secretary, who answer'd, "I being
thy servant, why did thee not order me to come down? But thee was willing enough that I should
stay and help to fight the ship when thee thought there was danger."
My being many years in the Assembly, the majority of which
were constantly Quakers, gave me frequent opportunities of seeing the
embarrassment given them by their principle against war, whenever application
was made to them, by order of the crown, to grant aids for military
purposes. They were unwilling to offend
government, on the one hand, by a direct refusal; and their friends, the body
of the Quakers, on the other, by a compliance contrary to their principles;
hence a variety of evasions to avoid complying, and modes of disguising the
compliance when it became unavoidable.
The common mode at last was, to grant money under the phrase of its
being "for the king's use," and never to inquire how it was applied.
But, if the demand was not directly from the crown, that
phrase was found not so proper, and some other was to be invented. As, when powder was wanting (I think it was
for the garrison at Louisburg), and the government of New England solicited a
grant of some from Pennsilvania, which was much urg'd on the House by Governor
Thomas, they could not grant money to buy powder, because that was an
ingredient of war; but they voted an aid to New England of three thousand
pounds, to he put into the hands of the governor, and appropriated it for the
purchasing of bread, flour, wheat, or other grain. Some of the council, desirous of giving the
House still further embarrassment, advis'd the governor not to accept
provision, as not being the thing he had demanded; but be reply'd, "I
shall take the money, for I understand very well their meaning; other grain is
gunpowder," which he accordingly bought, and they never objected to
it.<10>
<10> See the votes.--[Marg. note.]
It was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire
company we feared the success of our proposal in favour of the lottery, and I
had said to my friend Mr. Syng, one of our members, "If we fail, let us
move the purchase of a fire-engine with the money; the Quakers can have no
objection to that; and then, if you nominate me and I you as a committee for
that purpose, we will buy a great gun, which is certainly a fire-engine."
"I see," says he, "you have improv'd by being so long in the
Assembly; your equivocal project would be just a match for their wheat or other
grain."
These embarrassments that the Quakers suffer'd from having
establish'd and published it as one of their principles that no kind of war was
lawful, and which, being once published, they could not afterwards, however
they might change their minds, easily get rid of, reminds me of what I think a
more prudent conduct in another sect among us, that of the Dunkers. I was acquainted with one of its founders,
Michael Welfare, soon after it appear'd. He complain'd to me that they were
grievously calumniated by the zealots of other persuasions, and charg'd with
abominable principles and practices, to which they were utter strangers. I told him this had always been the case with
new sects, and that, to put a stop to such abuse, I imagin'd it might be well
to publish the articles of their belief, and the rules of their
discipline. He said that it had been
propos'd among them, but not agreed to, for this reason: "When we were first drawn together as a
society," says he, "it had pleased God to enlighten our minds so far
as to see that some doctrines, which we once esteemed truths, were errors; and
that others, which we had esteemed errors, were real truths. From time to time He has been pleased to
afford us farther light, and our principles have been improving, and our errors
diminishing. Now we are not sure that we
are arrived at the end of this progression, and at the perfection of spiritual
or theological knowledge; and we fear that, if we should once print our
confession of faith, we should feel ourselves as if bound and confin'd by it,
and perhaps be unwilling to receive farther improvement, and our successors
still more so, as conceiving what we their elders and founders had done, to be
something sacred, never to be departed from."
This modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular instance in the
history of mankind, every other sect supposing itself in possession of all
truth, and that those who differ are so far in the wrong; like a man traveling
in foggy weather, those at some distance before him on the road he sees wrapped
up in the fog, as well as those behind him, and also the people in the fields
on each side, but near him all appears clear, tho' in truth he is as much in
the fog as any of them. To avoid this
kind of embarrassment, the Quakers have of late years been gradually declining
the public service in the Assembly and in the magistracy, choosing rather to
quit their power than their principle.
In order of time, I should have mentioned before, that
having, in 1742, invented an open stove for the better warming of rooms, and at
the same time saving fuel, as the fresh air admitted was warmed in entering, I
made a present of the model to Mr. Robert Grace, one of my early friends, who,
having an iron-furnace, found the casting of the plates for these stoves a
profitable thing, as they were growing in demand. To promote that demand, I wrote and published
a pamphlet, entitled "An Account of the new-invented Pennsylvania
Fireplaces; wherein their Construction and Manner of Operation is particularly
explained; their Advantages above every other Method of warming Rooms
demonstrated; and all Objections that have been raised against the Use of them
answered and obviated," etc. This
pamphlet had a good effect. Gov'r.
Thomas was so pleas'd with the construction of this stove, as described in it,
that he offered to give me a patent for the sole vending of them for a term of
years; but I declin'd it from a principle which has ever weighed with me on
such occasions, viz., That, as we enjoy great advantages from the inventions of
others, we should be glad of an opportunity to serve others by any invention of
ours; and this we should do freely and generously.
An ironmonger in London however, assuming a good deal of my
pamphlet, and working it up into his own, and making some small changes in the
machine, which rather hurt its operation, got a patent for it there, and made,
as I was told, a little fortune by it. And this is not the only instance of patents
taken out for my inventions by others, tho' not always with the same success,
which I never contested, as having no desire of profiting by patents myself,
and hating disputes. The use of these
fireplaces in very many houses, both of this and the neighbouring colonies, has
been, and is, a great saving of wood to the inhabitants.
Peace being concluded, and the association business
therefore at an end, I turn'd my thoughts again to the affair of establishing
an academy. The first step I took was to
associate in the design a number of active friends, of whom the Junto furnished
a good part; the next was to write and publish a pamphlet, entitled Proposals
Relating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania. This I distributed among the principal
inhabitants gratis; and as soon as I could suppose their minds a little
prepared by the perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for opening and
supporting an academy; it was to be paid in quotas yearly for five years; by so
dividing it, I judg'd the subscription might be larger, and I believe it was
so, amounting to no less, if I remember right, than five thousand pounds.
In the introduction to these proposals, I stated their
publication, not as an act of mine, but of some publick-spirited gentlemen,
avoiding as much as I could, according to my usual rule, the presenting myself
to the publick as the author of any scheme for their benefit.
The subscribers, to carry the project into immediate
execution, chose out of their number twenty-four trustees, and appointed Mr.
Francis, then attorney-general, and myself to draw up constitutions for the
government of the academy; which being done and signed, a house was hired,
masters engag'd, and the schools opened, I think, in the same year, 1749.
The scholars increasing fast, the house was soon found too
small, and we were looking out for a piece of ground, properly situated, with
intention to build, when Providence threw into our way a large house ready
built, which, with a few alterations, might well serve our purpose. This was the building before mentioned,
erected by the hearers of Mr. Whitefield, and was obtained for us in the
following manner.
It is to be noted that the contributions to this building
being made by people of different sects, care was taken in the nomination of
trustees, in whom the building and ground was to be vested, that a predominancy
should not be given to any sect, lest in time that predominancy might be a
means of appropriating the whole to the use of such sect, contrary to the
original intention. It was therefore
that one of each sect was appointed, viz., one Church-of-England man, one
Presbyterian, one Baptist, one Moravian, etc., those, in case of vacancy by death,
were to fill it by election from among the contributors. The Moravian happen'd not to please his
colleagues, and on his death they resolved to have no other of that sect. The difficulty then was, how to avoid having
two of some other sect, by means of the new choice.
Several persons were named, and for that reason not agreed
to. At length one mention'd me, with the
observation that I was merely an honest man, and of no sect at all, which
prevail'd with them to chuse me. The
enthusiasm which existed when the house was built had long since abated, and
its trustees had not been able to procure fresh contributions for paying the
ground-rent, and discharging some other debts the building had occasion'd,
which embarrass'd them greatly. Being
now a member of both setts of trustees, that for the building and that for the
Academy, I had a good opportunity of negotiating with both, and brought them
finally to an agreement, by which the trustees for the building were to cede it
to those of the academy, the latter undertaking to discharge the debt, to keep
for ever open in the building a large hall for occasional preachers, according
to the original intention, and maintain a free- school for the instruction of
poor children. Writings were accordingly
drawn, and on paying the debts the trustees of the academy were put in
possession of the premises; and by dividing the great and lofty hall into
stories, and different rooms above and below for the several schools, and
purchasing some additional ground, the whole was soon made fit for our purpose,
and the scholars remov'd into the building.
The care and trouble of agreeing with the workmen, purchasing materials,
and superintending the work, fell upon me; and I went thro' it the more
cheerfully, as it did not then interfere with my private business, having the
year before taken a very able, industrious, and honest partner, Mr. David Hall,
with whose character I was well acquainted, as he had work'd for me four
years. He took off my hands all care of
the printing-office, paying me punctually my share of the profits. This partnership continued eighteen years,
successfully for us both.
The trustees of the academy, after a while, were
incorporated by a charter from the governor; their funds were increas'd by
contributions in Britain and grants of land from the proprietaries, to which
the Assembly has since made considerable addition; and thus was established the
present University of Philadelphia. I
have been continued one of its trustees from the beginning, now near forty
years, and have had the very great pleasure of seeing a number of the youth who
have receiv'd their education in it, distinguish'd by their improv'd abilities,
serviceable in public stations and ornaments to their country.
When I disengaged myself, as above mentioned, from private
business, I flatter'd myself that, by the sufficient tho' moderate fortune I
had acquir'd, I had secured leisure during the rest of my life for
philosophical studies and amusements. I
purchased all Dr. Spence's apparatus, who had come from England to lecture here,
and I proceeded in my electrical experiments with great alacrity; but the
publick, now considering me as a man of leisure, laid hold of me for their
purposes, every part of our civil government, and almost at the same time,
imposing some duty upon me. The governor
put me into the commission of the peace; the corporation of the city chose me
of the common council, and soon after an alderman; and the citizens at large
chose me a burgess to represent them in Assembly. This latter station was the more agreeable to
me, as I was at length tired with sitting there to hear debates, in which, as
clerk, I could take no part, and which were often so unentertaining that I was
induc'd to amuse myself with making magic squares or circles, or any thing to
avoid weariness; and I conceiv'd my becoming a member would enlarge my power of
doing good. I would not, however,
insinuate that my ambition was not flatter'd by all these promotions; it
certainly was; for, considering my low beginning, they were great things to me;
and they were still more pleasing, as being so many spontaneous testimonies of
the public good opinion, and by me entirely unsolicited.
The office of justice of the peace I try'd a little, by
attending a few courts, and sitting on the bench to hear causes; but finding
that more knowledge of the common law than I possess'd was necessary to act in
that station with credit, I gradually withdrew from it, excusing myself by my
being oblig'd to attend the higher duties of a legislator in the Assembly. My election to this trust was repeated every
year for ten years, without my ever asking any elector for his vote, or
signifying, either directly or indirectly, any desire of being chosen. On taking my seat in the House, my son was
appointed their clerk.
The year following, a treaty being to be held with the
Indians at Carlisle, the governor sent a message to the House, proposing that
they should nominate some of their members, to be join'd with some members of
council, as commissioners for that purpose.<11> The House named the
speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself; and, being commission'd, we went to Carlisle,
and met the Indians accordingly.
<11> See the votes to have this more correctly.
--[Marg. note.]
As those people are extreamly apt to get drunk, and, when so,
are very quarrelsome and disorderly, we strictly forbad the selling any liquor
to them; and when they complain'd of this restriction, we told them that if
they would continue sober during the treaty, we would give them plenty of rum
when business was over. They promis'd
this, and they kept their promise, because they could get no liquor, and the
treaty was conducted very orderly, and concluded to mutual satisfaction. They then claim'd and receiv'd the rum; this
was in the afternoon; they were near one hundred men, women, and children, and
were lodg'd in temporary cabins, built in the form of a square, just without
the town. In the evening, hearing a
great noise among them, the commissioners walk'd out to see what was the
matter. We found they had made a great
bonfire in the middle of the square; they were all drunk, men and women,
quarreling and fighting. Their
dark-colour'd bodies, half naked, seen only by the gloomy light of the bonfire,
running after and beating one another with firebrands, accompanied by their
horrid yellings, form'd a scene the most resembling our ideas of hell that
could well be imagin'd; there was no appeasing the tumult, and we retired to
our lodging. At midnight a number of
them came thundering at our door, demanding more rum, of which we took no
notice.
The next day, sensible they had misbehav'd in giving us that
disturbance, they sent three of their old counselors to make their
apology. The orator acknowledg'd the
fault, but laid it upon the rum; and then endeavored to excuse the rum by
saying, "The Great Spirit, who made all things, made every thing for some
use, and whatever use he design'd any thing for, that use it should always be
put to. Now, when he made rum, he said
'Let this be for the Indians to get drunk with,' and it must be so." And, indeed, if it be the design of
Providence to extirpate these savages in order to make room for cultivators of
the earth, it seems not improbable that rum may be the appointed means. It has already annihilated all the tribes who
formerly inhabited the sea-coast.
In 1751, Dr. Thomas Bond, a particular friend of mine,
conceived the idea of establishing a hospital in Philadelphia (a very
beneficent design, which has been ascrib'd to me, but was originally his), for
the reception and cure of poor sick persons, whether inhabitants of the
province or strangers. He was zealous
and active in endeavouring to procure subscriptions for it, but the proposal
being a novelty in America, and at first not well understood, he met with but
small success.
At length he came to me with the compliment that he found
there was no such thing as carrying a public-spirited project through without
my being concern'd in it.
"For," says he, "I am often ask'd by those to whom I
propose subscribing, Have you consulted Franklin upon this business? And what does he think of it? And when I tell them that I have not
(supposing it rather out of your line), they do not subscribe, but say they
will consider of it." I enquired
into the nature and probable utility of his scheme, and receiving from him a
very satisfactory explanation, I not only subscrib'd to it myself, but engag'd
heartily in the design of procuring subscriptions from others. Previously, however, to the solicitation, I
endeavoured to prepare the minds of the people by writing on the subject in the
newspapers, which was my usual custom in such cases, but which he had omitted.
The subscriptions afterwards were more free and generous;
but, beginning to flag, I saw they would be insufficient without some
assistance from the Assembly, and therefore propos'd to petition for it, which
was done. The country members did not at
first relish the project; they objected that it could only be serviceable to
the city, and therefore the citizens alone should be at the expense of it; and
they doubted whether the citizens themselves generally approv'd of it. My allegation on the contrary, that it met
with such approbation as to leave no doubt of our being able to raise two thousand
pounds by voluntary donations, they considered as a most extravagant
supposition, and utterly impossible.
On this I form'd my plan; and asking leave to bring in a
bill for incorporating the contributors according to the prayer of their
petition, and granting them a blank sum of money, which leave was obtained
chiefly on the consideration that the House could throw the bill out if they
did not like it, I drew it so as to make the important clause a conditional
one, viz., "And be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that when the
said contributors shall have met and chosen their managers and treasurer, and
shall have raised by their contributions a capital stock of ----- value (the
yearly interest of which is to be applied to the accommodating of the sick poor
in the said hospital, free of charge for diet, attendance, advice, and
medicines), and shall make the same appear to the satisfaction of the speaker
of the Assembly for the time being, that then it shall and may be lawful for
the said speaker, and be is hereby required, to sign an order on the provincial
treasurer for the payment of two thousand pounds, in two yearly payments, to
the treasurer of the said hospital, to be applied to the founding, building,
and finishing of the same."
This condition carried the bill through; for the members,
who had oppos'd the grant, and now conceiv'd they might have the credit of
being charitable without the expence, agreed to its passage; and then, in
soliciting subscriptions among the people, we urg'd the conditional promise of
the law as an additional motive to give, since every man's donation would be
doubled; thus the clause work'd both ways.
The subscriptions accordingly soon exceeded the requisite sum, and we
claim'd and receiv'd the public gift, which enabled us to carry the design into
execution. A convenient and handsome
building was soon erected; the institution has by constant experience been
found useful, and flourishes to this day; and I do not remember any of my
political manoeuvres, the success of which gave me at the time more pleasure, or
wherein, after thinking of it, I more easily excus'd myself for having made
some use of cunning.
It was about this time that another projector, the Rev.
Gilbert Tennent, came to me with a request that I would assist him in procuring
a subscription for erecting a new meeting-house. It was to he for the use of a
congregation he had gathered among the Presbyterians, who were originally
disciples of Mr. Whitefield. Unwilling
to make myself disagreeable to my fellow-citizens by too frequently soliciting
their contributions, I absolutely refus'd. He then desired I would furnish him
with a list of the names of persons I knew by experience to be generous and
public-spirited. I thought it would be unbecoming in me, after their kind
compliance with my solicitations, to mark them out to be worried by other
beggars, and therefore refus'd also to give such a list. He then desir'd I would at least give him my
advice. "That I will readily
do," said I; "and, in the first place, I advise you to apply to all
those whom you know will give something; next, to those whom you are uncertain
whether they will give any thing or not, and show them the list of those who
have given; and, lastly, do not neglect those who you are sure will give
nothing, for in some of them you may be mistaken." He laugh'd and thank'd me, and said he would
take my advice. He did so, for he ask'd
of everybody, and he obtained a much larger sum than he expected, with which he
erected the capacious and very elegant meeting-house that stands in Arch-street.
Our city, tho' laid out with a beautiful regularity, the
streets large, strait, and crossing each other at right angles, had the
disgrace of suffering those streets to remain long unpav'd, and in wet weather
the wheels of heavy carriages plough'd them into a quagmire, so that it was
difficult to cross them; and in dry weather the dust was offensive. I had liv'd near what was call'd the Jersey
Market, and saw with pain the inhabitants wading in mud while purchasing their
provisions. A strip of ground down the
middle of that market was at length pav'd with brick, so that, being once in
the market, they had firm footing, but were often over shoes in dirt to get
there. By talking and writing on the
subject, I was at length instrumental in getting the street pav'd with stone
between the market and the brick'd foot-pavement, that was on each side next
the houses. This, for some time, gave an
easy access to the market dry-shod; but, the rest of the street not being pav'd,
whenever a carriage came out of the mud upon this pavement, it shook off and
left its dirt upon it, and it was soon cover'd with mire, which was not
remov'd, the city as yet having no scavengers.
After some inquiry I found a poor industrious man, who was
willing to undertake keeping the pavement clean, by sweeping it twice a week,
carrying off the dirt from before all the neighbours' doors, for the sum of
sixpence per month, to be paid by each house.
I then wrote and printed a paper setting forth the advantages to the
neighbourhood that might be obtain'd by this small expense; the greater ease in
keeping our houses clean, so much dirt not being brought in by people's feet;
the benefit to the shops by more custom, etc., etc., as buyers could more
easily get at them; and by not having, in windy weather, the dust blown in upon
their goods, etc., etc. I sent one of
these papers to each house, and in a day or two went round to see who would
subscribe an agreement to pay these sixpences; it was unanimously sign'd, and
for a time well executed. All the
inhabitants of the city were delighted with the cleanliness of the pavement
that surrounded the market, it being a convenience to all, and this rais'd a
general desire to have all the streets paved, and made the people more willing
to submit to a tax for that purpose.
After some time I drew a bill for paving the city, and
brought it into the Assembly. It was
just before I went to England, in 1757, and did not pass till I was
gone.<12> and then with an alteration in the mode of assessment, which I thought
not for the better, but with an additional provision for lighting as well as
paving the streets, which was a great improvement. It was by a private person, the late Mr. John
Clifton, his giving a sample of the utility of lamps, by placing one at his
door, that the people were first impress'd with the idea of enlighting all the
city. The honour of this public benefit
has also been ascrib'd to me but it belongs truly to that gentleman. I did but follow his example, and have only
some merit to claim respecting the form of our lamps, as differing from the
globe lamps we were at first supply'd with from London. Those we found inconvenient in these
respects: they admitted no air below;
the smoke, therefore, did not readily go out above, but circulated in the
globe, lodg'd on its inside, and soon obstructed the light they were intended
to afford; giving, besides, the daily trouble of wiping them clean; and an
accidental stroke on one of them would demolish it, and render it totally
useless. I therefore suggested the
composing them of four flat panes, with a long funnel above to draw up the
smoke, and crevices admitting air below, to facilitate the ascent of the smoke;
by this means they were kept clean, and did not grow dark in a few hours, as
the London lamps do, but continu'd bright till morning, and an accidental
stroke would generally break but a single pane, easily repair'd.
<12> See votes.
I have sometimes wonder'd that the Londoners did not, from
the effect holes in the bottom of the globe lamps us'd at Vauxhall have in
keeping them clean, learn to have such holes in their street lamps. But, these holes being made for another
purpose, viz., to communicate flame more suddenly to the wick by a little flax
hanging down thro' them, the other use, of letting in air, seems not to have
been thought of; and therefore, after the lamps have been lit a few hours, the
streets of London are very poorly illuminated.
The mention of these improvements puts me in mind of one I
propos'd, when in London, to Dr. Fothergill, who was among the best men I have
known, and a great promoter of useful projects.
I had observ'd that the streets, when dry, were never swept, and the
light dust carried away; but it was suffer'd to accumulate till wet weather
reduc'd it to mud, and then, after lying some days so deep on the pavement that
there was no crossing but in paths kept clean by poor people with brooms, it
was with great labour rak'd together and thrown up into carts open above, the
sides of which suffer'd some of the slush at every jolt on the pavement to
shake out and fall, sometimes to the annoyance of foot-passengers. The reason
given for not sweeping the dusty streets was, that the dust would fly into the
windows of shops and houses.
An accidental occurrence had instructed me how much sweeping
might be done in a little time. I found
at my door in Craven-street, one morning, a poor woman sweeping my pavement
with a birch broom; she appeared very pale and feeble, as just come out of a fit
of sickness. I ask'd who employ'd her to
sweep there; she said, "Nobody, but I am very poor and in distress, and I
sweeps before gentlefolkses doors, and hopes they will give me something." I bid her sweep the whole street clean, and I
would give her a shilling; this was at nine o'clock; at 12 she came for the
shilling. From the slowness I saw at
first in her working, I could scarce believe that the work was done so soon,
and sent my servant to examine it, who reported that the whole street was swept
perfectly clean, and all the dust plac'd in the gutter, which was in the
middle; and the next rain wash'd it quite away, so that the pavement and even
the kennel were perfectly clean.
I then judg'd that, if that feeble woman could sweep such a
street in three hours, a strong, active man might have done it in half the
time. And here let me remark the
convenience of having but one gutter in such a narrow street, running down its
middle, instead of two, one on each side, near the footway; for where all the rain
that falls on a street runs from the sides and meets in the middle, it forms
there a current strong enough to wash away all the mud it meets with; but when
divided into two channels, it is often too weak to cleanse either, and only
makes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the wheels of carriages and feet of
horses throw and dash it upon the foot-pavement, which is thereby rendered foul
and slippery, and sometimes splash it upon those who are walking. My proposal, communicated to the good doctor,
was as follows:
"For the more effectual cleaning and keeping clean the
streets of London and Westminster, it is proposed that the several watchmen be
contracted with to have the dust swept up in dry seasons, and the mud rak'd up
at other times, each in the several streets and lanes of his round; that they
be furnish'd with brooms and other proper instruments for these purposes, to be
kept at their respective stands, ready to furnish the poor people they may
employ in the service.
"That in the dry summer months the dust be all swept up
into heaps at proper distances, before the shops and windows of houses are
usually opened, when the scavengers, with close-covered carts, shall also carry
it all away.
"That the mud, when rak'd up, be not left in heaps to
be spread abroad again by the wheels of carriages and trampling of horses, but
that the scavengers be provided with bodies of carts, not plac'd high upon
wheels, but low upon sliders, with lattice bottoms, which, being cover'd with
straw, will retain the mud thrown into them, and permit the water to drain from
it, whereby it will become much lighter, water making the greatest part of its
weight; these bodies of carts to be plac'd at convenient distances, and the mud
brought to them in wheel-barrows; they remaining where plac'd till the mud is
drain'd, and then horses brought to draw them away."
I have since had doubts of the practicability of the latter
part of this proposal, on account of the narrowness of some streets, and the
difficulty of placing the draining-sleds so as not to encumber too much the
passage; but I am still of opinion that the former, requiring the dust to be
swept up and carry'd away before the shops are open, is very practicable in the
summer, when the days are long; for, in walking thro' the Strand and
Fleet-street one morning at seven o'clock, I observ'd there was not one shop
open, tho' it had been daylight and the sun up above three hours; the
inhabitants of London chusing voluntarily to live much by candle-light, and
sleep by sunshine, and yet often complain, a little absurdly, of the duty on
candles and the high price of tallow.
Some may think these trifling matters not worth minding or
relating; but when they consider that tho' dust blown into the eyes of a single
person, or into a single shop on a windy day, is but of small importance, yet
the great number of the instances in a populous city, and its frequent
repetitions give it weight and consequence, perhaps they will not censure very
severely those who bestow some attention to affairs of this seemingly low
nature. Human felicity is produc'd not
so much by great pieces of good fortune that seldom happen, as by little
advantages that occur every day. Thus, if
you teach a poor young man to shave himself, and keep his razor in order, you
may contribute more to the happiness of his life than in giving him a thousand
guineas. The money may be soon spent,
the regret only remaining of having foolishly consumed it; but in the other
case, he escapes the frequent vexation of waiting for barbers, and of their
sometimes dirty fingers, offensive breaths, and dull razors; he shaves when
most convenient to him, and enjoys daily the pleasure of its being done with a
good instrument. With these sentiments I
have hazarded the few preceding pages, hoping they may afford hints which some
time or other may be useful to a city I love, having lived many years in it
very happily, and perhaps to some of our towns in America.
Having been for some time employed by the postmaster-general
of America as his comptroller in regulating several offices, and bringing the
officers to account, I was, upon his death in 1753, appointed, jointly with Mr.
William Hunter, to succeed him, by a commission from the postmaster-general in
England. The American office never had
hitherto paid any thing to that of Britain.
We were to have six hundred pounds a year between us, if we could make
that sum out of the profits of the office.
To do this, a variety of improvements were necessary; some of these were
inevitably at first expensive, so that in the first four years the office
became above nine hundred pounds in debt to us.
But it soon after began to repay us; and before I was displac'd by a
freak of the ministers, of which I shall speak hereafter, we had brought it to
yield three times as much clear revenue to the crown as the postoffice of
Ireland. Since that imprudent
transaction, they have receiv'd from it-- not one farthing!
The business of the postoffice occasion'd my taking a
journey this year to New England, where the College of Cambridge, of their own
motion, presented me with the degree of Master of Arts. Yale College, in Connecticut, had before made
me a similar compliment. Thus, without
studying in any college, I came to partake of their honours. They were conferr'd in consideration of my
improvements and discoveries in the electric branch of natural philosophy.
In 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a congress
of commissioners from the different colonies was, by an order of the Lords of
Trade, to be assembled at Albany, there to confer with the chiefs of the Six
Nations concerning the means of defending both their country and ours. Governor Hamilton, having receiv'd this
order, acquainted the House with it, requesting they would furnish proper
presents for the Indians, to be given on this occasion; and naming the speaker
(Mr. Norris) and myself to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as
commissioners to act for Pennsylvania.
The House approv'd the nomination, and provided the goods for the present,
and tho' they did not much like treating out of the provinces; and we met the
other commissioners at Albany about the middle of June.
In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the
union of all the colonies under one government, so far as might be necessary
for defense, and other important general purposes. As we pass'd thro' New York, I had there
shown my project to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gentlemen of great
knowledge in public affairs, and, being fortified by their approbation, I
ventur'd to lay it before the Congress.
It then appeared that several of the commissioners had form'd plans of
the same kind. A previous question was
first taken, whether a union should be established, which pass'd in the
affirmative unanimously. A committee was
then appointed, one member from each colony, to consider the several plans and
report. Mine happen'd to be preferr'd,
and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported.
By this plan the general government was to be administered
by a president-general, appointed and supported by the crown, and a grand
council was to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several
colonies, met in their respective assemblies.
The debates upon it in Congress went on daily, hand in hand with the
Indian business. Many objections and
difficulties were started, but at length they were all overcome, and the plan
was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be transmitted to the Board of
Trade and to the assemblies of the several provinces. Its fate was singular: the assemblies did not adopt it, as they all
thought there was too much prerogative in it, and in England it was judg'd to
have too much of the democratic.
The Board of Trade therefore did not approve of it, nor
recommend it for the approbation of his majesty; but another scheme was form'd,
supposed to answer the same purpose better, whereby the governors of the
provinces, with some members of their respective councils, were to meet and
order the raising of troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the
treasury of Great Britain for the expense, which was afterwards to be refunded
by an act of Parliament laying a tax on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is
to be found among my political papers that are printed.
Being the winter following in Boston, I had much
conversation with Governor Shirley upon both the plans. Part of what passed between us on the
occasion may also be seen among those papers.
The different and contrary reasons of dislike to my plan makes me
suspect that it was really the true medium; and I am still of opinion it would
have been happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted. The colonies, so united, would have been
sufficiently strong to have defended themselves; there would then have been no
need of troops from England; of course, the subsequent pretence for taxing
America, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have been avoided. But such mistakes are not new; history is
full of the errors of states and princes.
Look round the habitable world, how few
Know their
own good, or, knowing it, pursue!
Those who govern, having much business on their hands, do
not generally like to take the trouble of considering and carrying into
execution new projects. The best public
measures are therefore seldom adopted from previous wisdom, but forc'd by the
occasion.
The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to the
Assembly, express'd his approbation of the plan, "as appearing to him to
be drawn up with great clearness and strength of judgment, and therefore
recommended it as well worthy of their closest and most serious
attention." The House, however, by
the management of a certain member, took it up when I happen'd to be absent,
which I thought not very fair, and reprobated it without paying any attention
to it at all, to my no small mortification.
In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New York with
our new governor, Mr. Morris, just arriv'd there from England, with whom I had
been before intimately acquainted. He
brought a commission to supersede Mr. Hamilton, who, tir'd with the disputes
his proprietary instructions subjected him to, had resign'd. Mr. Morris ask'd
me if I thought he must expect as uncomfortable an administration. I said, "No; you may, on the contrary,
have a very comfortable one, if you will only take care not to enter into any
dispute with the Assembly."
"My dear friend," says he, pleasantly, "how can you
advise my avoiding disputes? You know I
love disputing; it is one of my greatest pleasures; however, to show the regard
I have for your counsel, I promise you I will, if possible, avoid
them." He had some reason for
loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute sophister, and, therefore, generally
successful in argumentative conversation.
He had been brought up to it from a boy, his father, as I have heard,
accustoming his children to dispute with one another for his diversion, while
sitting at table after dinner; but I think the practice was not wise; for, in
the course of my observation, these disputing, contradicting, and confuting
people are generally unfortunate in their affairs. They get victory sometimes, but they never
get good will, which would be of more use to them. We parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to
Boston.
In returning, I met at New York with the votes of the
Assembly, by which it appear'd that, notwithstanding his promise to me, he and
the House were already in high contention; and it was a continual battle
between them as long as he retain'd the government. I had my share of it; for, as soon as I got
back to my seat in the Assembly, I was put on every committee for answering his
speeches and messages, and by the committees always desired to make the drafts. Our answers, as well as his messages, were
often tart, and sometimes indecently abusive; and, as he knew I wrote for the
Assembly, one might have imagined that, when we met, we could hardly avoid
cutting throats; but he was so good-natur'd a man that no personal difference
between him and me was occasion'd by the contest, and we often din'd together.
One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we met
in the street. "Franklin,"
says he, "you must go home with me and spend the evening; I am to have
some company that you will like;" and, taking me by the arm, he led me to
his house. In gay conversation over our
wine, after supper, he told us, jokingly, that he much admir'd the idea of
Sancho Panza, who, when it was proposed to give him a government, requested it
might be a government of blacks, as then, if he could not agree with his
people, he might sell them. One of his
friends, who sat next to me, says, "Franklin, why do you continue to side
with these damn'd Quakers? Had not you
better sell them? The proprietor would
give you a good price." "The
governor," says I, "has not yet blacked them enough." He, indeed, had labored hard to blacken the
Assembly in all his messages, but they wip'd off his coloring as fast as he
laid it on, and plac'd it, in return, thick upon his own face; so that, finding
he was likely to be negrofied himself, he, as well as Mr. Hamilton, grew tir'd
of the contest, and quitted the government.
<13>These public quarrels were all at bottom owing to
the proprietaries, our hereditary governors, who, when any expense was to be
incurred for the defense of their province, with incredible meanness instructed
their deputies to pass no act for levying the necessary taxes, unless their
vast estates were in the same act expressly excused; and they had even taken
bonds of these deputies to observe such instructions. The Assemblies for three years held out
against this injustice, tho' constrained to bend at last. At length Captain Denny, who was Governor Morris's
successor, ventured to disobey those instructions; how that was brought about I
shall show hereafter.
<13> My acts in Morris's time, military, etc.--[Marg.
note.]
But I am got forward too fast with my story: there are still some transactions to be
mention'd that happened during the administration of Governor Morris.
War being in a manner commenced with France, the government
of Massachusetts Bay projected an attack upon Crown Point, and sent Mr. Quincy
to Pennsylvania, and Mr. Pownall, afterward Governor Pownall, to New York, to
solicit assistance. As I was in the
Assembly, knew its temper, and was Mr. Quincy's countryman, he appli'd to me
for my influence and assistance. I
dictated his address to them, which was well receiv'd. They voted an aid of ten
thousand pounds, to be laid out in provisions.
But the governor refusing his assent to their bill (which included this
with other sums granted for the use of the crown), unless a clause were
inserted exempting the proprietary estate from bearing any part of the tax that
would be necessary, the Assembly, tho' very desirous of making their grant to
New England effectual, were at a loss how to accomplish it. Mr. Quincy labored hard with the governor to
obtain his assent, but he was obstinate.
I then suggested a method of doing the business without the
governor, by orders on the trustees of the Loan Office, which, by law, the
Assembly had the right of drawing. There
was, indeed, little or no money at that time in the office, and therefore I
propos'd that the orders should be payable in a year, and to bear an interest
of five per cent. With these orders I
suppos'd the provisions might easily be purchas'd. The Assembly, with very
little hesitation, adopted the proposal.
The orders were immediately printed, and I was one of the committee
directed to sign and dispose of them. The
fund for paying them was the interest of all the paper currency then extant in
the province upon loan, together with the revenue arising from the excise,
which being known to be more than sufficient, they obtain'd instant credit, and
were not only receiv'd in payment for the provisions, but many money'd people,
who had cash lying by them, vested it in those orders, which they found
advantageous, as they bore interest while upon hand, and might on any occasion
be used as money; so that they were eagerly all bought up, and in a few weeks
none of them were to be seen. Thus this
important affair was by my means compleated.
My Quincy return'd thanks to the Assembly in a handsome memorial, went
home highly pleas'd with the success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me
the most cordial and affectionate friendship.
The British government, not chusing to permit the union of
the colonies as propos'd at Albany, and to trust that union with their defense,
lest they should thereby grow too military, and feel their own strength,
suspicions and jealousies at this time being entertain'd of them, sent over
General Braddock with two regiments of regular English troops for that
purpose. He landed at Alexandria, in
Virginia, and thence march'd to Frederictown, in Maryland, where he halted for
carriages. Our Assembly apprehending,
from some information, that he had conceived violent prejudices against them,
as averse to the service, wish'd me to wait upon him, not as from them, but as
postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing to settle with him the mode of
conducting with most celerity and certainty the despatches between him and the
governors of the several provinces, with whom he must necessarily have
continual correspondence, and of which they propos'd to pay the expense. My son accompanied me on this journey.
We found the general at Frederictown, waiting impatiently
for the return of those he had sent thro' the back parts of Maryland and
Virginia to collect waggons. I stayed
with him several days, din'd with him daily, and had full opportunity of
removing all his prejudices, by the information of what the Assembly had before
his arrival actually done, and were still willing to do, to facilitate his
operations. When I was about to depart,
the returns of waggons to be obtained were brought in, by which it appear'd
that they amounted only to twenty-five, and not all of those were in
serviceable condition. The general and
all the officers were surpris'd, declar'd the expedition was then at an end,
being impossible, and exclaim'd against the ministers for ignorantly landing
them in a country destitute of the means of conveying their stores, baggage,
etc., not less than one hundred and fifty waggons being necessary.
I happened to say I thought it was a pity they had not been
landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had his
waggon. The general eagerly laid hold of
my words, and said, "Then you, sir, who are a man of interest there, can
probably procure them for us; and I beg you will undertake it." I ask'd what terms were to be offer'd the
owners of the waggons; and I was desir'd to put on paper the terms that
appeared to me necessary. This I did,
and they were agreed to, and a commission and instructions accordingly prepar'd
immediately. What those terms were will
appear in the advertisement I publish'd as soon as I arriv'd at Lancaster,
which being, from the great and sudden effect it produc'd, a piece of some
curiosity, I shall insert it at length, as follows:
"ADVERTISEMENT
"LANCASTER, April 26, 1755.
"Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four
horses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are wanted
for the service of his majesty's forces now about to rendezvous at Will's
Creek, and his excellency General Braddock having been pleased to empower me to
contract for the hire of the same, I hereby give notice that I shall attend for
that purpose at Lancaster from this day to next Wednesday evening, and at York
from next Thursday morning till Friday evening, where I shall be ready to agree
for waggons and teams, or single horses, on the following terms, viz.: I. That
there shall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses and a driver,
fifteen shillings per diem; and for each able horse with a pack-saddle, or
other saddle and furniture, two shillings per diem; and for each able horse
without a saddle, eighteen pence per diem.
2. That the pay commence from the
time of their joining the forces at Will's Creek, which must be on or before
the 20th of May ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and above
for the time necessary for their travelling to Will's Creek and home again
after their discharge. 3. Each waggon and team, and every saddle or
pack horse, is to be valued by indifferent persons chosen between me and the
owner; and in case of the loss of any waggon, team, or other horse in the
service, the price according to such valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4.
Seven days' pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of
each waggon and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if required, and
the remainder to be paid by General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army,
at the time of their discharge, or from time to time, as it shall be demanded. 5. No
drivers of waggons, or persons taking care of the hired horses, are on any
account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employed
than in conducting or taking care of their carriages or horses. 6. All
oats, Indian corn, or other forage that waggons or horses bring to the camp,
more than is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken for
the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the same.
"Note.--My son, William Franklin, is empowered to enter
into like contracts with any person in Cumberland county.
"B. FRANKLIN."
"To the inhabitants of the Counties of Lancaster, York
and Cumberland.
"Friends and Countrymen,
"Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few days
since, I found the general and officers extremely exasperated on account of
their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been expected
from this province, as most able to furnish them; but, through the dissensions
between our governor and Assembly, money had not been provided, nor any steps
taken for that purpose.
"It was proposed to send an armed force immediately
into these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as
should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be
necessary to drive and take care of them.
"I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers
through these counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper
they are in, and their resentment against us, would be attended with many and
great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more willingly took the
trouble of trying first what might be done by fair and equitable means. The people of these back counties have lately
complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting; you have an
opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum; for,
if the service of this expedition should continue, as it is more than probable
it will, for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these waggons and horses
will amount to upward of thirty thousand pounds, which will be paid you in
silver and gold of the king's money.
"The service will be light and easy, for the army will
scarce march above twelve miles per day, and the waggons and baggage-horses, as
they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare of the
army, must march with the army, and no faster; and are, for the army's sake,
always placed where they can be most secure, whether in a march or in a camp.
"If you are really, as I believe you are, good and
loyal subjects to his majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and
make it easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as can not separately
spare from the business of their plantations a waggon and four horses and a driver,
may do it together, one furnishing the waggon, another one or two horses, and
another the driver, and divide the pay proportionately between you; but if you
do not this service to your king and country voluntarily, when such good pay
and reasonable terms are offered to you, your loyalty will be strongly
suspected. The king's business must be
done; so many brave troops, come so far for your defense, must not stand idle
through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from you;
waggons and horses must be had; violent measures will probably be used, and you
will be left to seek for a recompense where you can find it, and your case,
perhaps, be little pitied or regarded.
"I have no particular interest in this affair, as,
except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have only my labour
for my pains. If this method of
obtaining the waggons and horses is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send
word to the general in fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the
hussar, with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the
purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very sincerely and truly
your friend and well-wisher, B. FRANKLIN."
I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be disbursed
in advance-money to the waggon owners, etc.; but, that sum being insufficient,
I advanc'd upward of two hundred pounds more, and in two weeks the one hundred
and fifty waggons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying horses, were on
their march for the camp. The
advertisement promised payment according to the valuation, in case any waggon
or horse should be lost. The owners,
however, alleging they did not know General Braddock, or what dependence might
be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I
accordingly gave them.
While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the
officers of Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented to me his concern for the
subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and could ill
afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that might be necessary in
so long a march, thro' a wilderness, where nothing was to be purchas'd. I
commiserated their case, and resolved to endeavor procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my
intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assembly, who had
the disposition of some public money, warmly recommending the case of these
officers to their consideration, and proposing that a present should be sent
them of necessaries and refreshments. My
son, who had some experience of a camp life, and of its wants, drew up a list
for me, which I enclos'd in my letter.
The committee approv'd, and used such diligence that, conducted by my
son, the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the waggons. They consisted of twenty parcels, each
containing
6 lbs. loaf sugar.
1 Gloucester cheese. 6 lbs. good Muscovado do.
1 kegg containing 20 lbs. good 1 lb. good green tea.
butter. 1 lb. good bohea do.
2 doz. old Madeira wine. 6 lbs. good ground coffee.
2 gallons Jamaica spirits. 6 lbs. chocolate.
1 bottle flour of mustard. 1-2 cwt. best white biscuit.
2 well-cur'd hams. 1-2 lb. pepper.
1-2 dozen dry'd tongues. 1 quart best white wine
vinegar 6 lbs. rice.
6 lbs. raisins.
These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many
horses, each parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for one
officer. They were very thankfully
receiv'd, and the kindness acknowledg'd by letters to me from the colonels of
both regiments, in the most grateful terms.
The general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct in procuring him
the waggons, etc., and readily paid my account of disbursements, thanking me
repeatedly, and requesting my farther assistance in sending provisions after
him. I undertook this also, and was
busily employ'd in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing for the service of
my own money, upwards of one thousand pounds sterling, of which I sent him an
account. It came to his hands, luckily
for me, a few days before the battle, and he return'd me immediately an order
on the paymaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the
remainder to the next account. I
consider this payment as good luck, having never been able to obtain that
remainder, of which more hereafter.
This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably
have made a figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had too much self-confidence, too high
an opinion of the validity of regular troops, and too mean a one of both
Americans and Indians. George Croghan,
our Indian interpreter, join'd him on his march with one hundred of those
people, who might have been of great use to his army as guides, scouts, etc.,
if he had treated them kindly; but he slighted and neglected them, and they
gradually left him.
In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some
account of his intended progress.
"After taking Fort Duquesne," says he, "I am to proceed
to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will allow
time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly detain me above three or
four days; and then I see nothing that can obstruct my march to
Niagara." Having before revolv'd in
my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road,
to be cut for them thro' the woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a
former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Iroquois country, I
had conceiv'd some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventur'd only to say, "To be sure,
sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well
provided with artillery, that place not yet compleatly fortified, and as we
hear with no very strong garrison, can probably make but a short
resistance. The only danger I apprehend
of obstruction to your march is from ambuscades of Indians, who, by constant
practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line,
near four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attack'd
by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into several pieces,
which, from their distance, can not come up in time to support each
other."
He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, "These savages
may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the
king's regular and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should make
any impression." I was conscious of
an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his
profession, and said no more. The enemy,
however, did not take the advantage of his army which I apprehended its long
line of march expos'd it to, but let it advance without interruption till
within nine miles of the place; and then, when more in a body (for it had just
passed a river, where the front had halted till all were come over), and in a
more open part of the woods than any it had pass'd, attack'd its advanced guard
by a heavy fire from behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelligence
the general had of an enemy's being near him.
This guard being disordered, the general hurried the troops up to their
assistance, which was done in great confusion, thro' waggons, baggage, and
cattle; and presently the fire came upon their flank: the officers, being on horseback, were more
easily distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell very fast; and the soldiers
were crowded together in a huddle, having or hearing no orders, and standing to
be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed; and then, being seiz'd with a
panick, the whole fled with precipitation.
The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and
scamper'd; their example was immediately followed by others; so that all the
waggons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general, being wounded, was brought off
with difficulty; his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his side; and out of
eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and
fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred.
These eleven hundred had been picked men from the whole army; the rest
had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier
part of the stores, provisions, and baggage.
The flyers, not being pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp, and the panick
they brought with them instantly seiz'd him and all his people; and, tho' he
had now above one thousand men, and the enemy who bad beaten Braddock did not
at most exceed four hundred Indians and French together, instead of proceeding,
and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honour, he ordered all the stores,
ammunition, etc., to be destroy'd, that he might have more horses to assist his
flight towards the settlements, and less lumber to remove. He was there met with requests from the
governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post his
troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some protection to the inhabitants;
but he continu'd his hasty march thro' all the country, not thinking himself
safe till he arriv'd at Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect
him. This whole transaction gave us
Americans the first suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British
regulars had not been well founded.
In their first march, too, from their landing till they got
beyond the settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants,
totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and confining
the people if they remonstrated. This
was enough to put us out of conceit of such defenders, if we had really wanted
any. How different was the conduct of
our French friends in 1781, who, during a march thro' the most inhabited part
of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hundred miles,
occasioned not the smallest complaint for the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even
an apple.
Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp,
and, being grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd with him
to his death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that he was totally silent
all the first day, and at night only said, "Who would have thought
it?" That he was silent again the
following day, saying only at last, "We shall better know how to deal with
them another time;" and dy'd in a few minutes after.
The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders,
instructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands, they selected
and translated into French a number of the articles, which they printed, to
prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the declaration of
war. Among these I saw some letters of
the general to the ministry, speaking highly of the great service I had
rendered the army, and recommending me to their notice. David Hume, too, who was some years after
secretary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward to General
Conway, when secretary of state, told me he had seen among the papers in that
office, letters from Braddock highly recommending me. But, the expedition having been unfortunate,
my service, it seems, was not thought of much value, for those recommendations
were never of any use to me.
As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was,
that he would give orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought
servants, and that he would discharge such as had been already enlisted. This he readily granted, and several were
accordingly return'd to their masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command devolv'd on him, was
not so generous. He being at
Philadelphia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply'd to him for the
discharge of the servants of three poor farmers of Lancaster county that he had
enlisted, reminding him of the late general's orders on that bead. He promised me that, if the masters would
come to him at Trenton, where he should be in a few days on his march to New
York, he would there deliver their men to them.
They accordingly were at the expense and trouble of going to Trenton,
and there he refus'd to perform his promise, to their great loss and
disappointment.
As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally
known, all the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond to
pay. Their demands gave me a great deal of
trouble, my acquainting them that the money was ready in the paymaster's hands,
but that orders for paying it must first be obtained from General Shirley, and
my assuring them that I had apply'd to that general by letter; but, he being at
a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd, and they must have patience,
all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me from
this terrible situation by appointing commissioners to examine the claims, and
ordering payment. They amounted to near
twenty thousand pound, which to pay would have ruined me.
Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond
came to me with a subscription paper for raising money to defray the expense of
a grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on receipt of
the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I
looked grave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare for the
rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd that I did not
immediately comply with their proposal.
"Why the d--l!" says one of them, "you surely don't
suppose that the fort will not be taken?"
"I don't know that it will not be taken, but I know that the events
of war are subject to great uncertainty."
I gave them the reasons of my doubting; the subscription was dropt, and
the projectors thereby missed the mortification they would have undergone if
the firework had been prepared. Dr.
Bond, on some other occasion afterward, said that he did not like Franklin's
forebodings.
Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly
with message after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the
making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province, without taxing,
among others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected all their bills for not
having such an exempting clause, now redoubled his attacks with more hope of
success, the danger and necessity being greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd firm,
believing they had justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an
essential right if they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. In
one of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand pounds, his
propos'd amendment was only of a single word.
The bill expressed "that all estates, real and personal, were to be
taxed, those of the proprietaries not excepted." His amendment was, for not read only: a small, but very material alteration. However, when the news of this disaster
reached England, our friends there, whom we had taken care to furnish with all
the Assembly's answers to the governor's messages, rais'd a clamor against the
proprietaries for their meanness and injustice in giving their governor such
instructions; some going so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of
their province, they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this, and sent
orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand pounds of their money to
whatever sum might be given by the Assembly for such purpose.
This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of
their share of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting
clause, which passed accordingly. By
this act I was appointed one of the commissioners for disposing of the money,
sixty thousand pounds. I had been active
in modelling the bill and procuring its passage, and had, at the same time,
drawn a bill for establishing and disciplining of a voluntary militia, which I
carried thro' the House without much difficulty, as care was taken in it to
leave the Quakers at their liberty. To
promote the association necessary to form the militia, I wrote a
dialogue,<14> stating and answering all the objections I could think of
to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect.
<14> This dialogue and the militia act are in the
"Gentleman's Magazine" for February and March, 1756. --[Marg. note.]
While the several companies in the city and country were
forming and learning their exercise, the governor prevail'd with me to take
charge of our North-western frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and
provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and building a
line of forts. I undertook this military
business, tho' I did not conceive myself well qualified for it. He gave me a commission with full powers, and
a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to be given to whom I thought
fit. I had but little difficulty in
raising men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my command. My son, who had in the preceding war been an
officer in the army rais'd against Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use
to me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut,
a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred the inhabitants; but the
place was thought a good situation for one of the forts.
In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at
Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those people. I was surprised to find it in so good a
posture of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend
danger. The principal buildings were
defended by a stockade; they had purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition
from New York, and had even plac'd quantities of small paving stones between
the windows of their high stone houses, for their women to throw down upon the
heads of any Indians that should attempt to force into them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and
reliev'd as methodically as in any garrison town. In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg,
I mention'd this my surprise; for, knowing they had obtained an act of
Parliament exempting them from military duties in the colonies, I had suppos'd
they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. He answer'd me that it was not one of their
established principles, but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it
was thought to be a principle with many of their people. On this occasion, however, they, to their
surprise, found it adopted by but a few.
It seems they were either deceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd the
Parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger, will sometimes be too
strong for whimsical opinions.
It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this
business of building forts. I sent one
detachment toward the Minisink, with instructions to erect one for the security
of that upper part of the country, and another to the lower part, with similar
instructions; and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to
Gnadenhut, where a fort was tho't more immediately necessary. The Moravians procur'd me five waggons for
our tools, stores, baggage, etc.
Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been
driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply of
firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle. I gave them each a gun with suitable
ammunition. We had not march'd many
miles before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day; there were no
habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd near night at the house
of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all huddled together, as wet as
water could make us. It was well we were
not attack'd in our march, for our arms were of the most ordinary sort, and our
men could not keep their gun locks dry.
The Indians are dextrous in contrivances for that purpose, which we had
not. They met that day the eleven poor
farmers above mentioned, and killed ten of them. The one who escap'd inform'd that his and his
companions' guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain.
The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd
at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a
saw-mill near, round which were left several piles of boards, with which we
soon hutted ourselves; an operation the more necessary at that inclement
season, as we had no tents. Our first
work was to bury more effectually the dead we found there, who had been half
interr'd by the country people.
The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out, the
circumference measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would require
as many palisades to be made of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter
each. Our axes, of which we had seventy,
were immediately set to work to cut down trees, and, our men being dextrous in
the use of them, great despatch was made.
Seeing the trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch
when two men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes they had it upon the
ground, and I found it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades of eighteen
feet long, pointed at one end. While
these were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round, of three feet deep,
in which the palisades were to be planted; and, our waggons, the bodys being
taken off, and the fore and hind wheels separated by taking out the pin which
united the two parts of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two horses each,
to bring the palisades from the woods to the spot. When they were set up, our carpenters built a
stage of boards all round within, about six feet high, for the men to stand on
when to fire thro' the loopholes. We had
one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the angles, and fir'd it as soon as
fix'd, to let the Indians know, if any were within hearing, that we had such
pieces; and thus our fort, if such a magnificent name may be given to so
miserable a stockade, was finish'd in a week, though it rain'd so hard every
other day that the men could not work.
This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are
employ'd, they are best content'd; for on the days they worked they were good-natur'd
and cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done a good day's work,
they spent the evening jollily; but on our idle days they were mutinous and
quarrelsome, finding fault with their pork, the bread, etc., and in continual
ill-humor, which put me in mind of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his
men constantly at work; and, when his mate once told him that they had done
every thing, and there was nothing further to employ them about,
"Oh," says he, "Make them scour the anchor."
This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient
defense against Indians, who have no cannon.
Finding ourselves now posted securely, and having a place to retreat to
on occasion, we ventur'd out in parties to scour the adjacent country. We met with no Indians, but we found the
places on the neighboring hills where they had lain to watch our
proceedings. There was an art in their
contrivance of those places, that seems worth mention. It being winter, a fire was necessary for
them; but a common fire on the surface of the ground would by its light have
discovered their position at a distance.
They had therefore dug holes in the ground about three feet diameter,
and somewhat deeper; we saw where they had with their hatchets cut off the
charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods. With these coals they had made small fires in
the bottom of the holes, and we observ'd among the weeds and grass the prints
of their bodies, made by their laying all round, with their legs hanging down
in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with them, is an essential
point. This kind of fire, so manag'd,
could not discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks, or even
smoke: it appear'd that their number was
not great, and it seems they saw we were too many to be attacked by them with
prospect of advantage.
We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minister, Mr.
Beatty, who complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers
and exhortations. When they enlisted,
they were promised, besides pay and provisions, a gill of rum a day, which was
punctually serv'd out to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the
evening; and I observ'd they were as punctual in attending to receive it; upon
which I said to Mr. Beatty, "It is, perhaps, below the dignity of your
profession to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out and
only just after prayers, you would have them all about you." He liked the tho't, undertook the office,
and, with the help of a few hands to measure out the liquor, executed it to
satisfaction, and never were prayers more generally and more punctually
attended; so that I thought this method preferable to the punishment inflicted
by some military laws for non-attendance on divine service.
I had hardly finish'd this business, and got my fort well
stor'd with provisions, when I receiv'd a letter from the governor, acquainting
me that he had call'd the Assembly, and wished my attendance there, if the
posture of affairs on the frontiers was such that my remaining there was no
longer necessary. My friends, too, of
the Assembly, pressing me by their letters to be, if possible, at the meeting,
and my three intended forts being now compleated, and the inhabitants contented
to remain on their farms under that protection, I resolved to return; the more
willingly, as a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, experienced in Indian
war, being on a visit to our establishment, consented to accept the
command. I gave him a commission, and,
parading the garrison, had it read before them, and introduc'd him to them as
an officer who, from his skill in military affairs, was much more fit to
command them than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation, took my
leave. I was escorted as far as
Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover from the fatigue I had
undergone. The first night, being in a
good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodging on the
floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or two.
While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the practice of
the Moravians: some of them had
accompanied me, and all were very kind to me.
I found they work'd for a common stock, eat at common tables, and slept
in common dormitories, great numbers together.
In the dormitories I observed loopholes, at certain distances all along
just under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed for change of
air. I was at their church, where I was
entertain'd with good musick, the organ being accompanied with violins,
hautboys, flutes, clarinets, etc. I
understood that their sermons were not usually preached to mixed congregations
of men, women, and children, as is our common practice, but that they assembled
sometimes the married men, at other times their wives, then the young men, the
young women, and the little children, each division by itself. The sermon I heard was to the latter, who
came in and were plac'd in rows on benches; the boys under the conduct of a
young man, their tutor, and the girls conducted by a young woman. The discourse seem'd well adapted to their
capacities, and was deliver'd in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as
it were, to be good. They behav'd very
orderly, but looked pale and unhealthy, which made me suspect they were kept
too much within doors, or not allow'd sufficient exercise.
I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the
report was true that they were by lot. I
was told that lots were us'd only in particular cases; that generally, when a
young man found himself dispos'd to marry, he inform'd the elders of his class,
who consulted the elder ladies that govern'd the young women. As these elders of the different sexes were
well acquainted with the tempers and dispositions of their respective pupils,
they could best judge what matches were suitable, and their judgments were
generally acquiesc'd in; but if, for example, it should happen that two or
three young women were found to be equally proper for the young man, the lot
was then recurred to. I objected, if the
matches are not made by the mutual choice of the parties, some of them may
chance to be very unhappy. "And so
they may," answer'd my informer, "if you let the parties chuse for
themselves;" which, indeed, I could not deny.
Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went
on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quakers having pretty generally
come into it, formed themselves into companies, and chose their captains,
lieutenants, and ensigns, according to the new law. Dr. B. visited me, and gave me an account of
the pains he had taken to spread a general good liking to the law, and ascribed
much to those endeavors. I had had the
vanity to ascribe all to my Dialogue; however, not knowing but that he might be
in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion, which I take to be generally the
best way in such cases. The officers,
meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regiment, which I this time
accepted. I forget how many companies we
had, but we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company of
artillery, who had been furnished with six brass field-pieces, which they had
become so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times in a minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they
accompanied me to my house, and would salute me with some rounds fired before
my door, which shook down and broke several glasses of my electrical
apparatus. And my new honour proved not
much less brittle; for all our commissions were soon after broken by a repeal
of the law in England.
During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set
out on a journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their
heads that it would be proper for them to escort me out of town, as far as the
Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on
horseback they came to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in
their uniforms. I had not been
previously acquainted with the project, or I should have prevented it, being
naturally averse to the assuming of state on any occasion; and I was a good
deal chagrin'd at their appearance, as I could not avoid their accompanying
me. What made it worse was, that, as
soon as we began to move, they drew their swords and rode with them naked all
the way. Somebody wrote an account of
this to the proprietor, and it gave him great offense. No such honor had been paid him when in the
province, nor to any of his governors; and he said it was only proper to
princes of the blood royal, which may be true for aught I know, who was, and
still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases.
This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour
against me, which was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the
Assembly respecting the exemption of his estate from taxation, which I had
always oppos'd very warmly, and not without severe reflections on his meanness
and injustice of contending for it. He
accused me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to the king's service,
preventing, by my influence in the House, the proper form of the bills for
raising money, and he instanced this parade with my officers as a proof of my
having an intention to take the government of the province out of his hands by
force. He also applied to Sir Everard
Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to deprive me of my office; but it had no other
effect than to procure from Sir Everard a gentle admonition.
Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the governor
and the House, in which I, as a member, had so large a share, there still
subsisted a civil intercourse between that gentleman and myself, and we never
had any personal difference. I have
sometimes since thought that his little or no resentment against me, for the
answers it was known I drew up to his messages, might be the effect of
professional habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he might consider us both as
merely advocates for contending clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and
I for the Assembly. He would, therefore,
sometimes call in a friendly way to advise with me on difficult points, and
sometimes, tho' not often, take my advice.
We acted in concert to supply Braddock's army with
provisions; and, when the shocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor
sent in haste for me, to consult with him on measures for preventing the
desertion of the back counties. I forget
now the advice I gave; but I think it was, that Dunbar should be written to,
and prevail'd with, if possible, to post his troops on the frontiers for their
protection, till, by re-enforcements from the colonies, he might be able to
proceed on the expedition. And, after my
return from the frontier, he would have had me undertake the conduct of such an
expedition with provincial troops, for the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dunbar
and his men being otherwise employed; and he proposed to commission me as general. I had not so good an opinion of my military
abilities as he profess'd to have, and I believe his professions must have
exceeded his real sentiments; but probably he might think that my popularity
would facilitate the raising of the men, and my influence in Assembly, the
grant of money to pay them, and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary
estate. Finding me not so forward to
engage as he expected, the project was dropt, and he soon after left the government,
being superseded by Captain Denny.
Before I proceed in relating the part I had in public
affairs under this new governor's administration, it may not be amiss here to
give some account of the rise and progress of my philosophical reputation.
In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. Spence, who
was lately arrived from Scotland, and show'd me some electric experiments. They were imperfectly perform'd, as he was
not very expert; but, being on a subject quite new to me, they equally
surpris'd and pleased me. Soon after my
return to Philadelphia, our library company receiv'd from Mr. P. Collinson,
Fellow of the Royal Society of London, a present of a glass tube, with some
account of the use of it in making such experiments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating
what I had seen at Boston; and, by much practice, acquir'd great readiness in
performing those, also, which we had an account of from England, adding a
number of new ones. I say much practice,
for my house was continually full, for some time, with people who came to see
these new wonders.
To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, I
caused a number of similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house, with which
they furnish'd themselves, so that we had at length several performers. Among these, the principal was Mr.
Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being out of business, I encouraged to
undertake showing the experiments for money, and drew up for him two lectures,
in which the experiments were rang'd in such order, and accompanied with such
explanations in such method, as that the foregoing should assist in
comprehending the following. He procur'd
an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which all the little machines that I
had roughly made for myself were nicely form'd by instrument-makers. His
lectures were well attended, and gave great satisfaction; and after some time
he went thro' the colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, and pick'd
up some money. In the West India
islands, indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could be made, from the
general moisture of the air.
Oblig'd as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present of the
tube, etc., I thought it right he should be inform'd of our success in using
it, and wrote him several letters containing accounts of our experiments. He got them read in the Royal Society, where
they were not at first thought worth so much notice as to be printed in their
Transactions. One paper, which I wrote
for Mr. Kinnersley, on the sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to
Dr. Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of the members also of that
society, who wrote me word that it had been read, but was laughed at by the
connoisseurs. The papers, however, being
shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them of too much value to be stifled, and
advis'd the printing of them. Mr.
Collinson then gave them to Cave for publication in his Gentleman's Magazine;
but he chose to print them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote
the preface. Cave, it seems, judged
rightly for his profit, for by the additions that arrived afterward they
swell'd to a quarto volume, which has had five editions, and cost him nothing
for copy-money.
It was, however, some time before those papers were much
taken notice of in England. A copy of
them happening to fall into the hands of the Count de Buffon, a philosopher
deservedly of great reputation in France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he
prevailed with M. Dalibard to translate them into French, and they were printed
at Paris. The publication offended the
Abbe Nollet, preceptor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an able
experimenter, who had form'd and publish'd a theory of electricity, which then
had the general vogue. He could not at
first believe that such a work came from America, and said it must have been
fabricated by his enemies at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards, having been assur'd that there
really existed such a person as Franklin at Philadelphia, which he had doubted,
he wrote and published a volume of Letters, chiefly address'd to me, defending
his theory, and denying the verity of my experiments, and of the positions
deduc'd from them.
I once purpos'd answering the abbe, and actually began the
answer; but, on consideration that my writings contain'd a description of
experiments which any one might repeat and verify, and if not to be verifi'd,
could not be defended; or of observations offer'd as conjectures, and not
delivered dogmatically, therefore not laying me under any obligation to defend
them; and reflecting that a dispute between two persons, writing in different
languages, might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations, and thence
misconceptions of one another's meaning, much of one of the abbe's letters
being founded on an error in the translation, I concluded to let my papers shift
for themselves, believing it was better to spend what time I could spare from
public business in making new experiments, than in disputing about those
already made. I therefore never answered
M. Nollet, and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence; for my friend
M. le Roy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my cause and refuted him;
my book was translated into the Italian, German, and Latin languages; and the
doctrine it contain'd was by degrees universally adopted by the philosophers of
Europe, in preference to that of the abbe; so that he lived to see himself the
last of his sect, except Monsieur B----, of Paris, his eleve and immediate
disciple.
What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity, was
the success of one of its proposed experiments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor at Marly, for drawing
lightning from the clouds. This engag'd
the public attention every where. M. de
Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental philosophy, and lectur'd in that
branch of science, undertook to repeat what he called the Philadelphia
Experiments; and, after they were performed before the king and court, all the
curious of Paris flocked to see them. I
will not swell this narrative with an account of that capital experiment, nor
of the infinite pleasure I receiv'd in the success of a similar one I made soon
after with a kite at Philadelphia, as both are to be found in the histories of
electricity.
Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend,
who was of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem my experiments were
in among the learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings had been so
little noticed in England. The society,
on this, resum'd the consideration of the letters that had been read to them;
and the celebrated Dr. Watson drew up a summary account of them, and of all I
had afterwards sent to England on the subject, which be accompanied with some
praise of the writer. This summary was
then printed in their Transactions; and some members of the society in London,
particularly the very ingenious Mr. Canton, having verified the experiment of
procuring lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting them with
the success, they soon made me more than amends for the slight with which they
had before treated me. Without my having
made any application for that honor, they chose me a member, and voted that I
should be excus'd the customary payments, which would have amounted to
twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me their Transactions
gratis. They also presented me with the
gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley for the year 1753, the delivery of which was
accompanied by a very handsome speech of the president, Lord Macclesfield,
wherein I was highly honoured.
Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the
before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he presented to me at an
entertainment given him by the city. He
accompanied it with very polite expressions of his esteem for me, having, as he
said, been long acquainted with my character.
After dinner, when the company, as was customary at that time, were
engag'd in drinking, he took me aside into another room, and acquainted me that
he had been advis'd by his friends in England to cultivate a friendship with
me, as one who was capable of giving him the best advice, and of contributing
most effectually to the making his administration easy; that he therefore
desired of all things to have a good understanding with me, and he begg'd me to
be assur'd of his readiness on all occasions to render me every service that
might be in his power. He said much to
me, also, of the proprietor's good disposition towards the province, and of the
advantage it might be to us all, and to me in particular, if the opposition
that had been so long continu'd to his measures was dropt, and harmony restor'd
between him and the people; in effecting which, it was thought no one could be
more serviceable than myself; and I might depend on adequate acknowledgments
and recompenses, etc., etc. The
drinkers, finding we did not return immediately to the table, sent us a
decanter of Madeira, which the governor made liberal use of, and in proportion
became more profuse of his solicitations and promises.
My answers were to this purpose: that my circumstances, thanks to God, were
such as to make proprietary favours unnecessary to me; and that, being a member
of the Assembly, I could not possibly accept of any; that, however, I had no
personal enmity to the proprietary, and that, whenever the public measures he
propos'd should appear to be for the good of the people, no one should espouse
and forward them more zealously than myself; my past opposition having been
founded on this, that the measures which had been urged were evidently intended
to serve the proprietary interest, with great prejudice to that of the people;
that I was much obliged to him (the governor) for his professions of regard to
me, and that he might rely on every thing in my power to make his
administration as easy as possible, hoping at the same time that he had not
brought with him the same unfortunate instruction his predecessor had been
hamper'd with.
On this he did not then explain himself; but when he
afterwards came to do business with the Assembly, they appear'd again, the
disputes were renewed, and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being the
penman, first, of the request to have a communication of the instructions, and
then of the remarks upon them, which may be found in the votes of the time, and
in the Historical Review I afterward publish'd. But between us personally no
enmity arose; we were often together; he was a man of letters, had seen much of
the world, and was very entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the first information that my old
friend Jas. Ralph was still alive; that
he was esteem'd one of the best political writers in England; had been employ'd
in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king, and had obtain'd a pension
of three hundred a year; that his reputation was indeed small as a poet, Pope
having damned his poetry in the Dunciad; but his prose was thought as good as
any man's.
<15>The Assembly finally finding the proprietary
obstinately persisted in manacling their deputies with instructions inconsistent
not only with the privileges of the people, but with the service of the crown,
resolv'd to petition the king against them, and appointed me their agent to go
over to England, to present and support the petition. The House had sent up a bill to the governor,
granting a sum of sixty thousand pounds for the king's use (ten thousand pounds
of which was subjected to the orders of the then general, Lord Loudoun), which
the governor absolutely refus'd to pass, in compliance with his instructions.
<15> The many unanimous resolves of the Assembly--
what date?-- [Marg. note.]
I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet at New York,
for my passage, and my stores were put on board, when Lord Loudoun arriv'd at
Philadelphia, expressly, as he told me, to endeavor an accommodation between
the governor and Assembly, that his majesty's service might not be obstructed
by their dissensions. Accordingly, he
desir'd the governor and myself to meet him, that he might hear what was to be
said on both sides. We met and discuss'd
the business. In behalf of the Assembly,
I urg'd all the various arguments that may be found in the public papers of
that time, which were of my writing, and are printed with the minutes of the
Assembly; and the governor pleaded his instructions; the bond he had given to
observe them, and his ruin if he disobey'd, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard
himself if Lord Loudoun would advise it.
This his lordship did not chuse to do, though I once thought I had nearly
prevail'd with him to do it; but finally he rather chose to urge the compliance
of the Assembly; and he entreated me to use my endeavours with them for that
purpose, declaring that he would spare none of the king's troops for the
defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not continue to provide for that
defense ourselves, they must remain expos'd to the enemy.
I acquainted the House with what had pass'd, and, presenting
them with a set of resolutions I had drawn up, declaring our rights, and that
we did not relinquish our claim to those rights, but only suspended the
exercise of them on this occasion thro' force, against which we protested, they
at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame another conformable to the
proprietary instructions. This of course
the governor pass'd, and I was then at liberty to proceed on my voyage. But, in the meantime, the paquet had sailed
with my sea-stores, which was some loss to me, and my only recompense was his
lordship's thanks for my service, all the credit of obtaining the accommodation
falling to his share.
He set out for New York before me; and, as the time for
dispatching the paquet-boats was at his disposition, and there were two then
remaining there, one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, I requested to
know the precise time, that I might not miss her by any delay of mine. His answer was, "I have given out that
she is to sail on Saturday next; but I may let you know, entre nous, that if
you are there by Monday morning, you will be in time, but do not delay
longer." By some accidental hinderance
at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived, and I was much afraid she
might have sailed, as the wind was fair; but I was soon made easy by the
information that she was still in the harbor, and would not move till the next
day. One would imagine that I was now on
the very point of departing for Europe.
I thought so; but I was not then so well acquainted with his lordship's
character, of which indecision was one of the strongest features. I shall give some instances. It was about the beginning of April that I
came to New York, and I think it was near the end of June before we sail'd.
There were then two of the paquet-boats, which had been long in port, but were
detained for the general's letters, which were always to be ready to-morrow. Another
paquet arriv'd; she too was detain'd; and, before we sail'd, a fourth was
expected. Ours was the first to be
dispatch'd, as having been there longest.
Passengers were engag'd in all, and some extremely impatient to be gone,
and the merchants uneasy about their letters, and the orders they had given for
insurance (it being war time) for fall goods! but their anxiety avail'd
nothing; his lordship's letters were not ready; and yet whoever waited on him
found him always at his desk, pen in hand, and concluded he must needs write
abundantly.
Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found in his
antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, who had come from thence
express with a paquet from Governor Denny for the General. He delivered to me some letters from my
friends there, which occasion'd my inquiring when he was to return, and where
be lodg'd, that I might send some letters by him. He told me he was order'd to call to-morrow
at nine for the general's answer to the governor, and should set off
immediately. I put my letters into his
hands the same day. A fortnight after I
met him again in the same place.
"So, you are soon return'd, Innis?" "Returned! no, I am not gone
yet." "How so?" "I have called here by order every
morning these two weeks past for his lordship's letter, and it is not yet
ready." "Is it possible, when
he is so great a writer? for I see him constantly at his escritoire." "Yes," says Innis, "but he is
like St. George on the signs, always on horseback, and never rides on!" This observation of the messenger was, it
seems, well founded; for, when in England, I understood that Mr. Pitt gave it
as one reason for removing this general, and sending Generals Amherst and
Wolfe, that the minister never heard from him, and could not know what he was
doing.
This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three paquets
going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there, the passengers thought it
best to be on board, lest by a sudden order the ships should sail, and they be
left behind. There, if I remember right,
we were about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores, and oblig'd to procure
more. At length the fleet sail'd, the
General and all his army on board, bound to Louisburg, with intent to besiege
and take that fortress; all the paquet-boats in company ordered to attend the
General's ship, ready to receive his dispatches when they should be ready. We were out five days before we got a letter
with leave to part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for
England. The other two paquets he still
detained, carried them with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time to
exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts, then alter'd his mind as to
besieging Louisburg, and return'd to New York, with all his troops, together with
the two paquets above mentioned, and all their passengers! During his absence the French and savages had
taken Fort George, on the frontier of that province, and the savages had
massacred many of the garrison after capitulation.
I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who commanded
one of those paquets. He told me that,
when he had been detain'd a month, he acquainted his lordship that his ship was
grown foul, to a degree that must necessarily hinder her fast sailing, a point
of consequence for a paquet-boat, and requested an allowance of time to heave
her down and clean her bottom. He was
asked how long time that would require.
He answer'd, three days. The
general replied, "If you can do it in one day, I give leave; otherwise
not; for you must certainly sail the day after to-morrow." So he never
obtain'd leave, though detained afterwards from day to day during full three
months.
I saw also in London one of Bonnell's passengers, who was so
enrag'd against his lordship for deceiving and detaining him so long at New
York, and then carrying him to Halifax and back again, that he swore he would
sue for damages. Whether he did or not,
I never heard; but, as he represented the injury to his affairs, it was very considerable.
On the whole, I wonder'd much how such a man came to be
intrusted with so important a business as the conduct of a great army; but,
having since seen more of the great world, and the means of obtaining, and
motives for giving places, my wonder is diminished. General Shirley, on whom the command of the
army devolved upon the death of Braddock, would, in my opinion, if continued in
place, have made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun in 1757, which was
frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception; for,
tho' Shirley was not a bred soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself,
and attentive to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans,
and quick and active in carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead of defending the colonies with
his great army, left them totally expos'd while he paraded idly at Halifax, by
which means Fort George was lost, besides, he derang'd all our mercantile
operations, and distress'd our trade, by a long embargo on the exportation of
provisions, on pretence of keeping supplies from being obtain'd by the enemy,
but in reality for beating down their price in favor of the contractors, in
whose profits, it was said, perhaps from suspicion only, he had a share. And, when at length the embargo was taken
off, by neglecting to send notice of it to Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was
detain'd near three months longer, whereby their bottoms were so much damaged
by the worm that a great part of them foundered in their passage home.
Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved
from so burdensome a charge as the conduct of an army must be to a man
unacquainted with military business. I
was at the entertainment given by the city of New York to Lord Loudoun, on his
taking upon him the command. Shirley,
tho' thereby superseded, was present also.
There was a great company of officers, citizens, and strangers, and,
some chairs having been borrowed in the neighborhood, there was one among them
very low, which fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley.
Perceiving it as I sat by him, I said, "They have given you, sir,
too low a seat." "No
matter," says he, "Mr. Franklin, I find a low seat the easiest."
While I was, as afore mention'd, detain'd at New York, I receiv'd
all the accounts of the provisions, etc., that I had furnish'd to Braddock,
some of which accounts could not sooner be obtain'd from the different persons
I had employ'd to assist in the business.
I presented them to Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the ballance. He caus'd them to be regularly examined by
the proper officer, who, after comparing every article with its voucher,
certified them to be right; and the balance due for which his lordship promis'd
to give me an order on the paymaster. This
was, however, put off from time to time; and, tho' I call'd often for it by
appointment, I did not get it. At
length, just before my departure, he told me he had, on better consideration,
concluded not to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. "And you," says he, "when in
England, have only to exhibit your accounts at the treasury, and you will be
paid immediately."
I mention'd, but without effect, the great and unexpected
expense I had been put to by being detain'd so long at New York, as a reason
for my desiring to be presently paid; and on my observing that it was not right
I should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtaining the money I had
advanc'd, as I charged no commission for my service, "0, sir," says
he, "you must not think of persuading us that you are no gainer; we
understand better those affairs, and know that every one concerned in supplying
the army finds means, in the doing it, to fill his own pockets." I assur'd him that was not my case, and that
I had not pocketed a farthing; but he appear'd clearly not to believe me; and,
indeed, I have since learnt that immense fortunes are often made in such
employments. As to my ballance, I am not
paid it to this day, of which more hereafter.
Our captain of the paquet had boasted much, before we
sailed, of the swiftness of his ship; unfortunately, when we came to sea, she
proved the dullest of ninety-six sail, to his no small mortification. After many conjectures respecting the cause,
when we were near another ship almost as dull as ours, which, however, gain'd
upon us, the captain ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as near the
ensign staff as possible. We were,
passengers included, about forty persons.
While we stood there, the ship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbour
far behind, which prov'd clearly what our captain suspected, that she was
loaded too much by the head. The casks
of water, it seems, had been all plac'd forward; these he therefore order'd to
be mov'd further aft, on which the ship recover'd her character, and proved the
sailer in the fleet.
The captain said she had once gone at the rate of thirteen
knots, which is accounted thirteen miles per hour. We had on board, as a passenger, Captain
Kennedy, of the Navy, who contended that it was impossible, and that no ship
ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been some error in the division
of the log-line, or some mistake in heaving the log. A wager ensu'd between the two captains, to
be decided when there should be sufficient wind. Kennedy thereupon examin'd rigorously the
log-line, and, being satisfi'd with that, he determin'd to throw the log
himself. Accordingly some days after,
when the wind blew very fair and fresh, and the captain of the paquet, Lutwidge,
said he believ'd she then went at the rate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the
experiment, and own'd his wager lost.
The above fact I give for the sake of the following
observation. It has been remark'd, as an
imperfection in the art of ship-building, that it can never be known, till she
is tried, whether a new ship will or will not be a good sailer; for that the
model of a good-sailing ship has been exactly follow'd in a new one, which has
prov'd, on the contrary, remarkably dull.
I apprehend that this may partly be occasion'd by the different opinions
of seamen respecting the modes of lading, rigging, and sailing of a ship; each
has his system; and the same vessel, laden by the judgment and orders of one
captain, shall sail better or worse than when by the orders of another. Besides, it scarce ever happens that a ship
is form'd, fitted for the sea, and sail'd by the same person. One man builds the hull, another rigs her, a
third lades and sails her. No one of
these has the advantage of knowing all the ideas and experience of the others,
and, therefore, can not draw just conclusions from a combination of the whole.
Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, I have
often observ'd different judgments in the officers who commanded the successive
watches, the wind being the same. One
would have the sails trimm'd sharper or flatter than another, so that they
seem'd to have no certain rule to govern by.
Yet I think a set of experiments might be instituted, first, to
determine the most proper form of the hull for swift sailing; next, the best
dimensions and properest place for the masts:
then the form and quantity of sails, and their position, as the wind may
be; and, lastly, the disposition of the lading.
This is an age of experiments, and I think a set accurately made and combin'd
would be of great use. I am persuaded,
therefore, that ere long some ingenious philosopher will undertake it, to whom
I wish success.
We were several times chas'd in our passage, but outsail'd
every thing, and in thirty days had soundings.
We had a good observation, and the captain judg'd himself so near our
port, Falmouth, that, if we made a good run in the night, we might be off the
mouth of that harbor in the morning, and by running in the night might escape
the notice of the enemy's privateers, who often crus'd near the entrance of the
channel. Accordingly, all the sail was
set that we could possibly make, and the wind being very fresh and fair, we
went right before it, and made great way.
The captain, after his observation, shap'd his course, as he thought, so
as to pass wide of the Scilly Isles; but it seems there is sometimes a strong
indraught setting up St. George's Channel, which deceives seamen and caused the
loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel's squadron.
This indraught was probably the cause of what happened to us.
We had a watchman plac'd in the bow, to whom they often
called, "Look well out before there," and he as often answered,
"Ay ay; " but perhaps had his eyes shut, and was half asleep at the
time, they sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically; for he did not see a
light just before us, which had been hid by the studdingsails from the man at
the helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by an accidental yaw of the ship
was discover'd, and occasion'd a great alarm, we being very near it, the light
appearing to me as big as a cart-wheel. It was midnight, and our captain fast
asleep; but Captain Kennedy, jumping upon deck, and seeing the danger, ordered
the ship to wear round, all sails standing; an operation dangerous to the masts,
but it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck, for we were running right
upon the rocks on which the light-house was erected. This deliverance impressed me strongly with
the utility of light-houses, and made me resolve to encourage the building more
of them in America, if I should live to return there.
In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that we
were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land from our sight. About nine o'clock the fog began to rise, and
seem'd to be lifted up from the water like the curtain at a play-house,
discovering underneath, the town of Falmouth, the vessels in its harbor, and
the fields that surrounded it. This was
a most pleasing spectacle to those who had been so long without any other
prospects than the uniform view of a vacant ocean, and it gave us the more
pleasure as we were now free from the anxieties which the state of war
occasion'd.
I set out immediately, with my son, for London, and we only
stopt a little by the way to view Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, and Lord
Pembroke's house and gardens, with his very curious antiquities at Wilton. We arrived in London the 27th of July,
1757.<16>
<16> Here terminates the Autobiography, as published
by Wm. Temple Franklin and his successors. What follows was written in the last
year of Dr. Franklin's life, and was first printed (in English) in Mr.
Bigelow's edition of 1868.--ED.
AS SOON as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles had
provided for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, to whom I was strongly recommended,
and whose counsel respecting my proceedings I was advis'd to obtain. He was against an immediate complaint to
government, and thought the proprietaries should first be personally appli'd
to, who might possibly be induc'd by the interposition and persuasion of some
private friends, to accommodate matters amicably. I then waited on my old friend and
correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that John Hanbury, the great
Virginia merchant, had requested to be informed when I should arrive, that he
might carry me to Lord Granville's, who was then President of the Council and
wished to see me as soon as possible. I
agreed to go with him the next morning.
Accordingly Mr. Hanbury called for me and took me in his carriage to
that nobleman's, who receiv'd me with great civility; and after some questions
respecting the present state of affairs in America and discourse thereupon, he
said to me: "You Americans have
wrong ideas of the nature of your constitution; you contend that the king's
instructions to his governors are not laws, and think yourselves at liberty to
regard or disregard them at your own discretion. But those instructions are not like the
pocket instructions given to a minister going abroad, for regulating his
conduct in some trifling point of ceremony.
They are first drawn up by judges learned in the laws; they are then
considered, debated, and perhaps amended in Council, after which they are
signed by the king. They are then, so
far as they relate to you, the law of the land, for the king is the LEGISLATOR
OF THE COLONIES." I told his
lordship this was new doctrine to me. I
had always understood from our charters that our laws were to be made by our
Assemblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his royal assent, but that
being once given the king could not repeal or alter them. And as the Assemblies could not make
permanent laws without his assent, so neither could he make a law for them
without theirs. He assur'd me I was
totally mistaken. I did not think so,
however, and his lordship's conversation having a little alarm'd me as to what
might be the sentiments of the court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as
I return'd to my lodgings. I recollected
that about 20 years before, a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the
ministry had propos'd to make the king's instructions laws in the colonies, but
the clause was thrown out by the Commons, for which we adored them as our
friends and friends of liberty, till by their conduct towards us in 1765 it
seem'd that they had refus'd that point of sovereignty to the king only that
they might reserve it for themselves.
After some days, Dr. Fothergill having spoken to the
proprietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me at Mr. T. Penn's house in
Spring Garden. The conversation at first
consisted of mutual declarations of disposition to reasonable accommodations,
but I suppose each party had its own ideas of what should be meant by
reasonable. We then went into
consideration of our several points of complaint, which I enumerated. The proprietaries justify'd their conduct as
well as they could, and I the Assembly's. We now appeared very wide, and so far
from each other in our opinions as to discourage all hope of agreement. However, it was concluded that I should give
them the heads of our complaints in writing, and they promis'd then to consider
them. I did so soon after, but they put
the paper into the hands of their solicitor, Ferdinand John Paris, who managed
for them all their law business in their great suit with the neighbouring
proprietary of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had subsisted 70 years, and
wrote for them all their papers and messages in their dispute with the
Assembly. He was a proud, angry man, and
as I had occasionally in the answers of the Assembly treated his papers with
some severity, they being really weak in point of argument and haughty in
expression, he had conceived a mortal enmity to me, which discovering itself
whenever we met, I declin'd the proprietary's proposal that he and I should
discuss the heads of complaint between our two selves, and refus'd treating
with any one but them. They then by his
advice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney and Solicitor-General for
their opinion and counsel upon it, where it lay unanswered a year wanting eight
days, during which time I made frequent demands of an answer from the
proprietaries, but without obtaining any other than that they had not yet
received the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General. What it was when they did receive it I never
learnt, for they did not communicate it to me, but sent a long message to the
Assembly drawn and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, complaining of its want
of formality, as a rudeness on my part, and giving a flimsy justification of
their conduct, adding that they should be willing to accommodate matters if the
Assembly would send out some person of candour to treat with them for that
purpose, intimating thereby that I was not such.
The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my not
having address'd the paper to them with their assum'd titles of True and
Absolute Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I omitted as not
thinking it necessary in a paper, the intention of which was only to reduce to
a certainty by writing, what in conversation I had delivered viva voce.
But during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed with
Gov'r Denny to pass an act taxing the proprietary estate in common with the
estates of the people, which was the grand point in dispute, they omitted answering
the message.
When this act however came over, the proprietaries,
counselled by Paris, determined to oppose its receiving the royal assent. Accordingly they petition'd the king in
Council, and a hearing was appointed in which two lawyers were employ'd by them
against the act, and two by me in support of it. They alledg'd that the act was intended to
load the proprietary estate in order to spare those of the people, and that if
it were suffer'd to continue in force, and the proprietaries who were in odium
with the people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes, they would
inevitably be ruined. We reply'd that
the act had no such intention, and would have no such effect. That the assessors were honest and discreet
men under an oath to assess fairly and equitably, and that any advantage each
of them might expect in lessening his own tax by augmenting that of the
proprietaries was too trifling to induce them to perjure themselves. This is the purport of what I remember as
urged by both sides, except that we insisted strongly on the mischievous
consequences that must attend a repeal, for that the money, L100,000, being
printed and given to the king's use, expended in his service, and now spread
among the people, the repeal would strike it dead in their hands to the ruin of
many, and the total discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness of the
proprietors in soliciting such a general catastrophe, merely from a groundless
fear of their estate being taxed too highly, was insisted on in the strongest
terms. On this, Lord Mansfield, one of
the counsel rose, and beckoning me took me into the clerk's chamber, while the
lawyers were pleading, and asked me if I was really of opinion that no injury
would be done the proprietary estate in the execution of the act. I said certainly. "Then," says he, "you can have
little objection to enter into an engagement to assure that point." I answer'd, "None at all." He then call'd in Paris, and after some
discourse, his lordship's proposition was accepted on both sides; a paper to
the purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the Council, which I sign'd with Mr.
Charles, who was also an Agent of the Province for their ordinary affairs, when
Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, where finally the law was
allowed to pass. Some changes were
however recommended and we also engaged they should be made by a subsequent
law, but the Assembly did not think them necessary; for one year's tax having
been levied by the act before the order of Council arrived, they appointed a
committee to examine the proceedings of the assessors, and on this committee
they put several particular friends of the proprietaries. After a full enquiry, they unanimously sign'd
a report that they found the tax had been assess'd with perfect equity.
The Assembly looked into my entering into the first part of
the engagement, as an essential service to the Province, since it secured the
credit of the paper money then spread over all the country. They gave me their thanks in form when I return'd.
But the proprietaries were enraged at Governor Denny for having pass'd the act,
and turn'd him out with threats of suing him for breach of instructions which
he had given bond to observe. He,
however, having done it at the instance of the General, and for His Majesty's
service, and having some powerful interest at court, despis'd the threats and
they were never put in execution. . . .
[Unfinished].
CHIEF EVENTS IN FRANKLIN'S LIFE
[Ending, as it does, with the year 1757, the autobiography
leaves important facts un-recorded. It
has seemed advisable, therefore, to detail the chief events in Franklin's life,
from the beginning, in the following list:
1706 He is born, in
Boston, and baptized in the Old South Church.
1714 At the age of
eight, enters the Grammar School.
1716 Becomes his
father's assistant in the tallow-chandlery business.
1718 Apprenticed to
his brother James, printer.
1721 Writes ballads
and peddles them, in printed form, in the streets; contributes, anonymously, to
the "New England Courant," and temporarily edits that paper; becomes
a free-thinker, and a vegetarian.
1723 Breaks his
indenture and removes to Philadelphia; obtaining employment in Keimer's
printing-office; abandons vegetarianism.
1724 Is persuaded
by Governor Keith to establish himself independently, and goes to London to buy
type; works at his trade there, and publishes "Dissertation on Liberty and
Necessity, Pleasure and Pain."
1726 Returns to
Philadelphia; after serving as clerk in a dry goods store, becomes manager of Keimer's
printing-house.
1727 Founds the
Junto, or "Leathern Apron" Club.
1728 With Hugh
Meredith, opens a printing-office.
1729 Becomes
proprietor and editor of the "Pennsylvania Gazette"; prints, anonymously, "Nature and
Necessity of a Paper Currency"; opens a stationer's shop.
1730 Marries
Rebecca Read.
1731 Founds the
Philadelphia Library.
1732 Publishes the
first number of "Poor Richard's Almanac" under the pseudonym of
"Richard Saunders." The Almanac, which continued for twenty-five
years to contain his witty, worldly-wise sayings, played a very large part in
bringing together and molding the American character which was at that time
made up of so many diverse and scattered types.
1738 Begins to
study French, Italian, Spanish, and Latin.
1786 Chosen clerk
of the General Assembly; forms the Union Fire Company of Philadelphia.
1737 Elected to the
Assembly; appointed Deputy Postmaster-General; plans a city police.
1742 Invents the open,
or "Franklin," stove.
1743 Proposes a
plan for an Academy, which is adopted 1749 and develops into the University of
Pennsylvania.
1744 Establishes
the American Philosophical Society.
1746 Publishes a
pamphlet, "Plain Truth," on the necessity for disciplined defense,
and forms a military company; begins electrical experiments.
1748 Sells out his
printing business; is appointed on the Commission of the Peace, chosen to the
Common Council, and to the Assembly.
1749 Appointed a
Commissioner to trade with the Indians.
1751 Aids in
founding a hospital.
1752 Experiments
with a kite and discovers that lightning is an electrical discharge.
1753 Awarded the
Copley medal for this discovery, and elected a member of the Royal Society;
receives the degree of M.A. from Yale and Harvard. Appointed joint
Postmaster-General.
1754 Appointed one
of the Commissioners from Pennsylvania to the Colonial Congress at Albany;
proposes a plan for the union of the colonies.
1755 Pledges his personal
property in order that supplies may be raised for Braddock's army; obtains a
grant from the Assembly in aid of the Crown Point expedition; carries through a
bill establishing a voluntary militia; is appointed Colonel, and takes the
field.
1757 Introduces a
bill in the Assembly for paving the streets of Philadelphia; publishes his
famous "Way to Wealth"; goes to England to plead the cause of the
Assembly against the Proprietaries; remains as agent for Pennsylvania; enjoys
the friendship of the scientific and literary men of the kingdom.
[HERE THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY BREAKS OFF]
1760 Secures from
the Privy Council, by a compromise, a decision obliging the Proprietary estates
to contribute to the public revenue.
1762 Receives the
degree of LL.D. from Oxford and Edinburgh; returns to America.
1763 Makes a five
months' tour of the northern colonies for the Purpose of inspecting the
post-offices.
1764 Defeated by
the Penn faction for reelection to the Assembly; sent to England as agent for
Pennsylvania.
1765 Endeavors to
prevent the passage of the Stamp Act.
1766 Examined
before the House of Commons relative to the passage of the Stamp Act; appointed
agent of Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Georgia; visits Gottingen University.
1767 Travels in
France and is presented at court.
1769 Procures a
telescope for Harvard College.
1772 Elected
Associe Etranger of the French Academy.
1774 Dismissed from
the office of Postmaster-General; influences Thomas Paine to emigrate to America.
1775 Returns to
America; chosen a delegate to the Second Continental Congress; placed on the
committee of secret correspondence; appointed one of the commissioners to
secure the cooperation of Canada.
1776 Placed on the
committee to draft a Declaration of Independence; chosen president of the
Constitutional Committee of Pennsylvania; sent to France as agent of the
colonies.
1778 Concludes
treaties of defensive alliance, and of amity and commerce; is received at
court. 1779 Appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to
France.
1780 Appoints Paul
Jones commander of the "Alliance."
1782 Signs the
preliminary articles of peace.
1783 Signs the
definite treaty of peace.
1785 Returns to
America; is chosen President of Pennsylvania; reelected 1786.
1787 Reelected
President; sent as delegate to the convention for framing a Federal
Constitution.
1788 Retires from
public life.
1790 April 17,
dies. His grave is in the churchyard at
Fifth and Arch streets, Philadelphia.
Editor.